Rumi Forum's blog on Hizmet, Fethullah Gulen, peacebuilding, education and interfaith efforts.

Showing posts with label corruption. Show all posts
Showing posts with label corruption. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 30, 2014

MEDIA: Why Gülen is indignant about corruption

ABDULLAH BOZKURT



SEE ALSO: Gulen in the Western media

One of the main reasons why Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen has been so disturbed by the massive graft scandal that was exposed during then-Prime Minister and now President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's regime is that he saw that his lifetime ideal of fostering greater connectivity among key areas of the country such as education, business and culture in order to contribute to the social, human and economic development of his nation had been severely undermined.

Born into a poor family in one of the less developed parts of Turkey, Gülen has long dreamt of seeing the impoverished eastern and southern regions of the country developed with trade, investment and improvement in educational and technological infrastructure. This has been dealt a huge blow because of endemic corruption, misuse of funds and patronage that has left millions in poverty; harmed the trust between citizens and the government; and in turn led to political instability, inefficient public services and even a surge in terrorism. The big dragnet set up by the crooks has drained the precious energy Turkey has in order to cope with immediate challenges. It has hampered the efforts of Gülen, who, through his numerous writings and speeches, inculcated the importance of modern education for the young generation and urged his followers to reach out and embrace all through intercultural and interfaith dialogue activities.

When Erdoğan deliberately relegated his understanding of democracy to merely winning the ballot box during elections, he made it clear that he wants neither political accountability for things that may go wrong during his rule nor the participation of civil society as a major stakeholder in the governance of the country. When he calls the Gülen-inspired social movement called Hizmet a "parallel structure," Erdoğan in effect complains about "institutional restraints” being placed on the government by a major civil society group that would otherwise be welcomed and encouraged in any normally functioning democracy.

Capitalizing on the new-found scapegoat right after the corruption exposé, Erdoğan broadened the definition of "enemy of the state" to include judges, police investigators, businesses, media, national political parties and even Turkey's foreign allies and partners.

That is why the corruption in the Erdoğan regime has now resulted in the flagrant human rights violations that we all are witnessing and experiencing in today's Turkey. The policies employed by Erdoğan and company in the government have effectively disrupted citizens' lives by provoking fears of a witch hunt among the population. The growing concern about media freedom in Turkey is just one of the indications of how corruption has shaken fundamental freedoms. If that cancer spreads to the judiciary as Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu's government tried to do with offerings such as a pay rise and government perks on the eve of critical judicial council elections, this will have a very serious impact on the judicial system, which may very well paralyze the whole Turkish democracy in the end.

In addition to the voluntary education drive that focuses on science and mathematics as well as moral values in order to lift people out of poverty, another tool Mr. Gülen has been advocating throughout his life is to institute open trade among nations as a way to not only develop economies, but also to increase interaction among them. Gülen believes that one can build to promote intercultural and interfaith dialogue in a much freer and effective way if trade, investment and business linkages are strong. Inspired by Gülen's teachings, thousands of Turkish businesspeople came together and set up the Turkish Confederation of Businessmen and Industrialists (TUSKON), the largest and one of the most influential trade advocacy groups in Turkey.

Since corruption destroys the level playing field by raising barriers for both national and foreign companies and undermines the development of a fair and competitive market economy, law-abiding businesspeople like TUSKON members will be at a disadvantage against pro-Erdoğan businesses, which enjoy advantages in terms of obtaining public procurement contracts and receiving preferential access to public services in exchange for the payment of kickbacks and bribery.

Adding insult to injury, TUSKON as well as members of the Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen's Association (TÜSİAD), the wealthiest business club in Turkey, have been unfairly targeted with government audits and reviews of licenses and permits and subjected to heavy fines. On top of that, Gülen's interaction with leading TUSKON and TÜSİAD members as part of his ideal to use trade as an intercultural bridge has been publicly demonized by Erdoğan, who sticks to a long-running hateful discourse to divide the nation.

Therefore, Gülen believes both education and trade will contribute greatly to economic growth both in Turkey and in its partner countries, providing more equitable income distribution, improved government services and increased public trust in government. Considering that the corruption negatively affects education, it does have a domino impact on every aspect of citizens' lives, from access to the labor market to improved social and economic status.

Moreover, Gülen underlines that education is key for social cohesion in Turkish society, preventing people from falling into traps of radical ideologies on the extreme left and extreme right. He thinks the right education rather than political Islamist discourse will maintain the strong culture of tolerance and diversity found in Turkish history. In the end, Gülen thinks Islam's true and peaceful face can only prevail in stable and conflict-free environments that are no longer plagued by corruption.

Another important rule in Gülen's teachings is the focus on decentralization, which is also an important tool in the battle against corruption. It is acknowledged that decentralization has often proven to be instrumental in reducing corruption in government, especially in a large country like Turkey with a population of 77 million.

Provided that the capacity for governance, effectiveness, human resources and accountability are strong in local governments, decentralization is often a suggested method to improve the governance of the country with less graft activity. It is quite telling that the corruption scandal revealed the reasons why Erdoğan usurped so many powers of local government in leasing and selling public land and buildings starting in 2011. That is how Erdoğan's loyalists have started getting kickbacks from the sale of public properties that used to be managed by local officials.

As part of the decentralization, Gülen often talks at length urging his followers to go through an in-depth consultation process and reaching out to all stakeholders before starting to implement a policy decision. He says this is the way of the Islamic Prophet. In fact, Gülen himself leads by setting an example on decentralization. For example, Hizmet and Hizmet-affiliated institutions may have been inspired by Gülen, but none of them are governed by Gülen or his close advisers. They are all professionally managed with their own independent boards that are accountable to shareholders. They are completely transparent in terms of subjecting themselves to rigorous government laws, regulations and regular reviews. From banking to media outlets, from social charity groups to thousands of schools, none of them has had any interference by Gülen. If these institutions are outside of Turkey, the same principle follows. They have to respect the law of the land in any given country.

Unfortunately, by invoking the fallacy of "guilt by association," Erdoğan has declared a total war on all these companies, institutions and groups that may be considered to be sympathetic towards Gülen, who suddenly turned out to be the number-one enemy of Erdoğan because of his criticism about corruption and mismanagement. This misplaced battle has in the first place damaged Turkish economic and social structures, but Erdoğan does not seem to care about that at all because his priority is to survive personal legal troubles emanating from the corruption that incriminated him, his family members and close associates.

Erdoğan erroneously believes that as long as he keeps demonizing Hizmet and shifting the blame for his personal problems on members of Hizmet, he will be able to survive politically forever.

No doubt Gülen, a deeply religious person, is also troubled by the moral and religious implications of corruption as well. As a leading Islamic scholar, he witnessed how political Islamists have abused entrusted power by citizens of Turkey and exploited religious sensitivities of people for personal gains. This hurts the religion of Islam first and foremost, Gülen believes. The failed political Islamist experiment in Turkey has also spoiled the national education systen with ill-advised engineering from Erdoğan, who wants to raise a new breed of political Islamists to fuel his political campaigns. Gülen is considerably upset because education, the only way to transition Turkey into the broader world, has been squandered for petty politics and personal interests.

Therefore, fighting corruption and standing firm against intimidation and scaremongering tactics by Erdoğan is also a moral imperative for Mr. Gülen before anything else.


SOURCE: http://www.todayszaman.com/columnists/columnist/abdullah-bozkurt/why-gulen-is-indignant-about-corruption_360189.html


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Monday, March 3, 2014

AL JAZEERA op-ed: Hizmet unmasks 'undemocratic' Erdogan


As a prominent preacher, Fethullah Gulen has to express his opinion on politics, argues the author.
Last updated



Sevgi Akarcesme

Sevgi Akarcesme is a columnist for Zaman, the Turkish daily which has the highest circulation in the country and a correspondent and blogger for Today’s Zaman, an English daily in Turkey.

Trying to understand what has been going on in Turkey over the last couple of months is impossible without taking into account the corruption scandal that broke out on December 17, 2013. Yet an article which appeared on Al Jazeera succeeded in doing just that. It made no reference to the biggest graft probe that the country has ever seen.

On the contrary, as if to distract attention from the corruption probe, this op-ed placed the blame squarely on Islamic scholar Fethullah Gulen, claiming that he aims to control the state through his followers within the bureaucracy.

The Hizmet (Service) movement is a religious and social community inspired by the peaceful and progressive teachings of Gulen and encompasses a wide network of people not only in Turkey but also in 160 countries around the world.

It is true that Gulen is no simple preacher. Indeed, he encourages pious Turks to receive the best education possible, to go beyond the limits that the bureaucratic-authoritarian state has set for them and claim positions that were traditionally reserved for the elite. For this, he became the target of the Kemalist military, which views Gulen's movement a threat to the oppressive Turkish secular state.

Doctored tapes?

When the military launched a psychological warfare campaign to topple the Islamist government in Turkey on February 28, 1997, Gulen naturally faced the wrath of the soldiers and became a target. Some media outlets, which had been used as a "convenient tool" by the military, at the time, broadcast doctored tapes of Gulen to create the impression that his followers had "infiltrated" the state. Indeed, this was an argument that the aggressively oppressive secular state employed against religious citizens at large.

Listening Post - Turkey's media pressure points



It is therefore an ironic twist of fate that pious Muslims would resort to the same tools previously employed by the repressive military regime to undermine Gulen and his movement.

The recent op-ed referred to the same videotapes that were used by the military during the February 28 coup era.

Although Gulen was charged with an attempt to change the nature of the regime during the height of military pressure in 1999, he was acquitted of all charges in a trial that lasted eight years.

It is no secret that Gulen encourages the sympathisers of the Hizmet movement to not shy away from holding positions within the state. Every Turkish citizen, at least on paper, is equally eligible for government jobs as long as they possess the necessary qualifications.


Who's infiltrating?


But who can accuse a Turkish citizen of "infiltrating" his or her own state? Does the state belong only to a certain group or interest? Arguing that the Hizmet movement has infiltrated the state is the same as admitting that it was under the control of someone else.

There are people from all walks of life, from all segments of society, and from all age groups who support Gulen. Unsurprisingly, there may also be police officers and judges and prosecutors who approve of Gulen's interpretation of Islam.

However, in order to claim that their aim is to seize the state, one needs to bring forth concrete evidence that these people are taking instructions from Gulen or the Hizmet movement instead of their superiors within the bureaucracy.

The PM has been claiming that a "parallel state" within the state aims to topple his government, in reference to the Hizmet movement. Despite the illegitimate reshuffling of thousands of police officers and hundreds of judges and prosecutors, Erdogan's government has not been able to track down a single piece of evidence of a "parallel state".

In light of all signs of corruption, it has become evident that the whole parallel state argument is an imagined enemy that Erdogan uses in his fight against the "windmills".

Criticising Gulen for expressing opinions on issues other than religion is another Kemalist argument. The founders of the Republic of Turkey did not want religious people to be involved in politics or social issues. As the spiritual leader of a global movement that has activities in areas ranging mainly from education to the media, and from business to aid organisations, it is only normal for Gulen to express opinions on non-religious issues.

In advanced democracies, pressure groups are welcomed and civil society is encouraged to serve as a control mechanism within the system.

Anywhere in the world, spiritual leaders and their views are taken seriously due to their impact on the masses. In Gulen's case, it has been proven many times that he uses his influence in a constructive and positive manner, always asking people to act peacefully and within the boundaries of the law.

As for the unfortunate Mavi Marmara incident, in which nine innocent Turkish people were murdered by Israeli soldiers in international waters, Gulen did not "blame" the activists, as the article argued. He said that he would advise his followers to cooperate with the authorities, if the purpose was to bring aid to the Palestinians. Gulen also placed an advertisment, expressing his condolences and describing the victims as "martyrs".

Women who suffer from discrimination for wearing the headscarf in Turkey know well how displaying religiosity is a reason for being purged from state positions. Not only are pious Muslims forced to concel their identity by the repressive regime, but so are the Kurds, Alevis, and non-Muslims.

Ironically, today, it is the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government, which had been oppressed in the past, that oppresses the followers of the Hizmet movement and openly discriminates against them.

What appears to be going on in Turkey now is a struggle between the Hizmet movement and Erdogan. However, when you scratch the surface, it is easy to detect the increasing authoritarian and arbitrary rule under Erdogan's government. All Gulen is doing is asking for a more democratic Turkey.

What changed is not the principles of the Hizmet movement, but the government's position, which succeeded to fool many with its democratic disguise until recently.

Sevgi Akarcesme is a columnist for Zaman, the Turkish daily which has the highest circulation in the country and a correspondent and blogger for Today's Zaman, an English daily in Turkey.


The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.


Source:
Al Jazeera


http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/03/hizmet-unmasks-undemocratic-erdo-20143113955830452.html