Rumi Forum's blog on Hizmet, Fethullah Gulen, peacebuilding, education and interfaith efforts.

Showing posts with label movement. Show all posts
Showing posts with label movement. Show all posts

Friday, March 13, 2015

Fethullah Gulen's interview with Kurdish Newspaper Rudaw

BY REBWAR KERIM




[Read more Gulen interviews and op-eds here - including New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, BBC, Politico, Asharq Al-Awsat, Le Monde, Reuters and many more ]


RUDAW: In terms of preservation of the mother tongue and education in it, what would you recommend to the peoples and administrations of the region, expounding on Said Nursi’s ideas?

GULEN: As is well known, Bediuzzaman Said Nursi identified ignorance, poverty, and disunity (inner conflicts) as the major roots of problems in the Islamic world in general and Eastern and Southeastern Turkey in particular. When he mentioned ignorance, he referred not only to ignorance in religious matters but also in the sciences that explore the universe. Likewise, he explained disunity in a broader perspective, including rifts among the clans in the region. Considering the fact that problems such as poverty and conflict are rooted foremost in ignorance, Bediuzzaman spent enormous effort on establishing a university, which would be named Medresetuz Zehra, in the province of Van. Proposing a female name for the university reflected his expectations in terms of productivity. He was hoping that similar schools would be established in neighboring cities such as Bitlis, Urfa and Diyarbakır.

Bediuzzaman identified the foundation of this university as one of the main goals of his life. Two features of this university were of ultimate importance. The first was expressed succinctly in the following statement: “The light of conscience is religious knowledge. The glory of mind is modern science. When these two unify, the truth comes forth, and thus, the student’s passion is able to fly with these two wings. If they conflict, however, the first gives birth to fanaticism and the second leads to manipulation and suspicion.” Thus, Bediuzzaman considered education in both religion and sciences to be essential.

The second striking aspect in his Medresetuz-Zehra model was the multilingual character of the university. He suggested that Arabic be required (vacip), Kurdish endorsed (caiz), and Turkish necessary (lazim). As we all know, all great civilizations have a common language in science. For example, the scientific language for Christian civilization was Latin. We can also say that English is the common language – scientific and otherwise – in today’s modern world. For Islamic civilization and science, the lingua franca has been Arabic. Also considering that Arabic is essential for Quran and Hadith, Bediuzzaman mentioned Arabic as a mandatory instruction language in such a model university that can be replicated, attracting students around the Muslim world. He brought up Turkish for a variety of reasons, including wide usage in communication all over Turkey, endorsement by a large number of people, better development as a language compared to Kurdish because of historical circumstances, and the fact that the Ottoman elite who governed the country were of Turkish origin. Languages are God’s wisdom and a sign of His unity, similar to races, colors, clans, and tribes; and thus, each nation has its own language. God did not make these differences as a reason to dispute one another; instead, these differences should bring recognition, assistance, and solidarity, similar to a system in which differences in occupation entail unity, assistance, and solidarity.

In addition to expressing such divine wisdom, Bediuzzaman put forward the significance of learning and teaching native language in his various writings. For example, he described how usage of the mother tongue is a natural method in education by saying, “As the mother tongue is so natural, words pour into one’s mind, not needing an invitation.” Learning and teaching native languages are among universal human rights. Putting a ban on vernacular languages is certainly a form of oppression, as it is against nature. And that’s why such a ban would not persist for long. Such reasoning was the logic of Bediuzzaman when he put Kurdish as an endorsed language in Medresetuz-Zehra, in addition to Arabic and Turkish.

Certainly, all groups should be allowed to use their own languages. Yet, as divisions based on races, colors, tribes, and clans are wrong, and thus, cannot be accepted. And as racism is non-humane, and in fact, a crime against humanity, languages should not be a reason for deep divisions; instead, they should contribute to recognition, assistance, solidarity, and harmony.

Thus, education in the mother tongue is a right that any state must acknowledge in principle because a state has to be fair to all of its citizens. But the problems that may occur in practice deserve special treatment. For instance, to provide such an education, the state must have proficient teachers who are capable of teaching in that language in sufficient numbers. That’s because if the cadre of teachers is not capable of providing education in that language, the outcome will be backlash, regardless of good intentions.

I must note that Kurdish parents should make sure that their children learn Turkish as well. Everywhere around the globe, communities that cannot speak the official language of their countries face significant problems. In general, they are left behind when compared to other communities in socioeconomic terms. Think about the first-generation of Turks in Germany who do not speak German well, or the Hispanic population in the United States who are struggling with English. If our Kurdish citizens taught English and Arabic to their children in addition to Turkish, this would be very beneficial for the future of their children.

On the other hand, differences in language and ethnicity as source of conflict ha ve no place in our cultural history. The Noble Quran states, “O mankind, indeed We have created you from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you” (49: 13). Bediuzzaman interpreted this verse as, “That is, I created you as peoples, nations, and tribes, so that you should know one another and the relations between you in social life, and assist one another; not so that you would regard each other as strangers, refuse to acknowledge one another, and nurture hostility and enmity.” (26th letter, Letters) Explaining the same verse in another place, he maintains, “Nationalist awakening can be positive if it is based on compassion for fellow human beings, and thus, facilitates mutual recognition and assistance. Such awakening, however, is destructive when it is based on racial greed, which causes obstinacy and denial of the other. Islam rejects the latter form.”

Here, Bediuzzaman highlighted two essential characteristics, i.e., recognition and assistance. The reason for forming various nations should be seen as humanity’s better knowledge of one another and collective assistance. Various nations in the Islamic world are like various organs of a human body. They all need one another and should know each other better in order to work together efficiently. The heart has direct relations with the brain, as the arms with the feet. If one organ fails, the whole body suffers. If God creates people divided into nations and wants them to recognize each other, endorsing a governing system in which one nation dominates others is a clear violation of Divine wisdom. Bediuzzaman’s perspective on positive nationalism should be effectively promoted and explained to all segments of the society. What matters is brotherhood in Islam. In Bediuzzaman’s words, positive nationalism may be a fortress, a shield for such a brotherhood, but “never a substitute.” That is because being noble in God’s perspective is about being righteous, not other differences.

In the year 2009, at a time when Turkey’s relations with Iraqi Kurdistan were quite strained, you sent a message that was full of hope for the future to the Abant Platform conference in Erbil. When you look back on your hopeful remarks, where do we stand today? Could you please be specific?

Not only as Turkey, our Kurdish brothers, and Iraqi Kurdistan, but as the Islamic world in general, we experience the most anguished, painful times, which perhaps has been the case for the past few centuries. Everywhere the problems are same: ignorance, poverty, and inner conflicts. In addition, some other problems have long been persistent: hopelessness; deceit, fraud, and reciprocal distrust; enmity and fanatical opposition; oppression in freedom of thought as well as social, economic, and political life; tyranny and despotism, and accordingly, blockage of intellectual, scientific, social, economic, and political progress, obstruction of individual development, and prioritization of selfish interests. These problems are exacerbated by those who do not want to see a better developed Muslim world or want these nations to fight over their selfish interests. It is highly questionable whether we – as Arabs, Turks, Kurds, Persians, and others – recognize our problems at all, including the root causes and the path to solutions.

And yet, hopelessness blocks every positive action, for all sorts of development and progress. Therefore, we are certainly optimistic and hopeful about our future in the full sense. Empty hope would not mean anything but cold comfort. So, I pray that such a hope will be firm ground to strive for: (1) transforming our current ignorance into knowledge and scientific progress; (2) transforming our poverty into an ability to claim the full potential of both open and underground richness in our lands; (3) transforming our experience of oppression into freedom – which is based on a delicate balance between our rights and responsibilities – as well as an accepted social and political culture in which we become neither yes-men to tyrants nor despots toward the vulnerable; and finally, (4) making individual interests subservient to our collective happiness.

The message you mentioned was sent four years ago. I hope the Abant meeting has resulted in constructive outcomes; I personally can say that remarkable steps have been taken since then. Although many things still remain to be done, historical circumstances, God willing, show that we will develop brotherhood and neighborly relations in the region. As far as I can see, education centers, media activism, and academic/intellectual initiatives in Iraqi Kurdistan will carry our relations to a further stage. In realization of this (close partnership), many significant duties fall on shoulders of education centers, businessman, and especially the media.

Moreover, I believe hard-work, honesty, reciprocal trust, morality in all its forms, love for love, enmity for enmity, consultation, collaboration, assistance, brotherhood and sisterhood, solidarity – yes, all of these characteristics: these are not solely essential foundations for our future as Kurds, Turks, Arabs, Persians, and other Muslims; rather, they are essential foundations for the future of all humanity in a globalized world.

Hizmet schools inspired by your ideals have been active in Iraq and Kurdistan since 1994, and are greatly appreciated by the local people. Recently, we have had some allegations that these schools are “making ideological propaganda.” Do you have any ideological agenda? What are your opinions on this?

If you look at history, there is no single humanitarian project that has not been accused of imposing a certain worldview. Even initiatives and projects that emphasized universal values such as hard-work, honesty, and altruism have been accused of being indoctrination by some people. For more than a half-century, I have been among my fellow citizens with my sermons, conversations, talks, writings, and personal visits. And for decades I’ve always experienced such accusations. On the other hand, partly at my suggestion, our fellow citizens have gone everywhere and established educational institutions in almost every corner of the world. Today, they say, the schools are active in more than 140 countries. These are countries with different languages, religions, worldviews, ideologies, histories, traditions, races and colors. Against some of these countries, we waged centuries-long wars. Moreover, most of the people who contributed to the opening of these schools (and those who work there) are Muslims, and they do not need to hide it. The countries are sensitive about these schools, monitoring them closely to make sure that they do not pursue ideological propaganda. This sensitivity is intensified by those radicals who exploit Islam and bring shame to it. If there has been any deviant ideology or propaganda, that couldn’t possibly remain secret – especially under these sensitive circumstances, and especially in a world where individuals’ private lives are monitored and intelligence services have extraordinary capabilities. If there is no shred of evidence in more than five decades to prove such accusations, what can I say? I accept your high intellect and conscience as the judge, you decide, please.

Moreover, the very term “ideological propaganda” does not exist in our conceptual repository. The Hizmet movement aims at moral improvement, building and maintaining peace, and providing world-class education to catch up with the developed world while respecting local customs. These goals are the same in Iraq and Kurdistan. The concept “ideological propaganda” is foreign to us; we do not know it. It is not very easy to juxtapose ideological propaganda with what we are doing in terms of conflict resolution, dialogue, consensus building, preparing the ground for scientific and technological innovations and promoting peace and security.

Hizmet schools have established close relationships with local authorities; their curriculums have been approved and they have carried out their activities under the inspection of both parents and the authorities and in a transparent fashion. Moreover, every state follows what goes on at these schools in legitimate ways. They would not tolerate anything that brought harm to their peoples. Therefore, baselessly accusing these institutions, which have been established with the efforts and sacrifices of thousands of people, of conspiratorial approaches would be unfair and illegitimate.

To the best of my knowledge, Hizmet schools in Iraqi Kurdistan provide an education that combines preservation of local cultures with integration into the rest of the world. In this regard, activities like the Kurdish Festival show that the programs of these schools are far from following any kind of indoctrination and ideological imposition. The truth is that the friendliness and farsighted attitudes of local authorities have played an important role in the opening and maintenance of these schools. Our Kurdish friends, with whom we have been partners in faith, as well as in times of happiness and sorrow, have disregarded baseless rumors and embraced these schools, which came out of clean bosom of Anatolia and grew in the Kurdish territories. Once again, they proved our historic brotherhood.

Do you think that the growing friendship between Turks and Kurds is at the desired level? If not, what should be done to strengthen relations?

We have the same faith, we believe in the same God. Our food comes from the same ultimate Sustainer; we live on the same soil and under the same Sun. We breathe the same air. We have the same religion, the same destiny, and the same history. We exist in the same present time and most likely, we will have a common future. As Turks and Kurds, we are everywhere in Turkey, we have spread all over the country together. In a rapidly globalizing world of revolutionary advancements in transportation and communication, and in a world that is evolving into a great village, European countries that fought endless wars in the past have gotten together and even seek political unity. That is how the world is, and we know that we were born as Turks and Kurds regardless of our personal wishes. Given the fact that it is not in our hands to become a Turk or a Kurd, isn’t it absurd to discriminate against people based on their Turkish or Kurdish identity or the language they speak? Isn’t it to the detriment of all of us?

Our geography has always been one in which different religions and cultures have lived together in peace. Throughout history, Turks and Kurds have intertwined and experienced common happiness as well as sorrow. Scholars like Ahmed Khani, Mulla Jezeri, Mulla Khalid Bagdadi, Salahaddin, and Bediuzzaman Said Nursi contributed immensely to the peaceful coexistence of Turks, Kurds, Arabs and other peoples in the region. Mr. Masoud Barzani mentions the wishes of his father (Mulla Mustafa Barzani) from time to time, “Have good relationships with Turks, do not make trouble for them and be with them.” These words that express the mutual feelings of both sides are remarkably important.

Being damaged in the last 100 or 150 years, the relations between the two peoples are still strong enough to endure such strains. The embrace of the Anatolian people during the great Peshmerga migration has accelerated normalization of our relationships. I myself shed painful tears for both Halabja and Al-Anfal; and I am not alone in this, the people of Anatolia felt the pain as if it were their own.

At a time when our relations have started to grow stronger, we should avoid adopting a solely security-oriented approach to existing problems. Instead, we should strengthen cultural and historical bonds to such an extent that they will never break. In this regard, Turkey should not only endow its own Kurdish citizens with their due rights and freedoms, but also extend a helping hand to Kurds who face problems in other parts of the world. It should defend the rights of Kurds who face political, religious or ethnic problems, speaking up for them at various international organizations, especially at the United Nations, in the name of justice. I think that every single effort is significant and noteworthy in order to bring back our unity and avoid conflict.

The issues, however, should not be limited to the political sphere. Efforts toward solutions should not be confined to states and politicians. Instead, all entities and people, including NGOs, business people, educators, opinion leaders, the Directorate of Religious Affairs, and students, should do their best to consolidate our togetherness. We must build more bridges and stay away from any kind of antagonistic attitudes, which will create nothing but conflict. Turks must rush to find solutions for the issues of Kurds even before Kurds themselves, and Kurds must stand by their Turkish brothers. Our relations might be limited to education these days, but they have the capacity to improve on academic, cultural and economic grounds. Turkey might be the gate for Kurds to get connected with the world at large.

Recently, we see that the borders of Misak-i Milli (The National Pact) is on Turkey’s agenda. What is your take on that? Whether it is something viable or not.

I am not a politician or a statesman or an expert on international relations. I am trying to walk together with my colleagues (and make my humble contributions) in a civic movement that emphasizes morality and common human values. So it would make more sense if the statesmen of the relevant countries talked about the borders in the region.

However, I must say that the steps Turkey has been taking in order to prevent bigger problems with neighbors, as well as the introverted foreign policy aimed just at strengthening relations with the West, has been interpreted falsely. The times when countries conquer other lands to extend their borders are past, and the borders have been determined by international law. In such circumstances, it does not seem logical for Turkey to consider extending its borders when the country needs to act collectively with its neighbors. For instance, the city of Batumi in Georgia was within the borders determined by the National Pact. Today, Turkey has good relations with Georgia. Citizens do not even need passports to cross the borders. In a situation like this, bringing the National Pact up on the agenda and aiming to annex Batumi only damages Turkish- Georgian relations. Those who bring up these issues should consider what kind of problems this rhetoric might cause among neighbors.

Ideals that don’t take realities into account can go no further than being just fantasies and illusions. We are living in a globalizing world; the issues of any region are becoming more and more relevant to other countries around the globe and are being closely followed. The Middle East, where the heart of the planet beats, takes special caution and precision. In my humble opinion, unity of hearts, mutual love, goodwill and sincere brotherhood override the pacts of political ambition. So, first things first; we must focus on such unity. We must identify our goals within our own realities. We must be extraordinarily careful about leaning towards goals (or being channeled in that direction) that would eventually bring catastrophe to the peoples of the region. Such leanings have the potential to turn the region into a swamp of armed conflicts. In such a case, we will lose all that we have gained as the peoples of the region.

Thus, for about a century, the National Pact has been perceived as an ideal by some people and an unrealistic utopia by others. What really matters, however, is lifting the boundaries that separate our hearts and establishing direct links of communication among our hearts.

There is an ongoing peace process in Turkey. We see that both Kurds and Turks support this process. Would you share your thoughts on the efforts of these peoples to live together peacefully? How can the culture of peaceful coexistence be established in the Middle East at a time when we most need it?

It is impossible not to support efforts that aim to stop the tears and bloodshed of the region. It is crucial to be constructive and leave the pain of the past behind.

It is also crucial to refrain from being part of any type of conflict, fight, or provocation that is based on ethnic or sectarian grounds. People should be careful not to fuel hatred and provoke separatist ideologies. As I tried to answer in the fourth question, the factors that support unity and alliance among us must be promoted. Existing opportunities must be utilized and we must look for new ones. Any chance for solidarity, philanthropy and togetherness on a cultural and economic basis must be put into practice. Peoples as well as the institutions that represent them must promote and popularize projects and activities that strengthen unity and solidarity. Once such activities are carried out by civil society, they will guide the authorities in the region.

Specifically, educational institutions and civil society play an important role in the application of a unifying culture. Education has a specific role in generating social values that prevent material conflicts. Contrary to our experience in the modern day, the peoples of the region have a long and deeply rooted history and tradition of peaceful coexistence. The Kurds, Turks, Arabs, Christians, Muslims, and Jews used to live in together peace. We need educational models and a culture of civil society that will rediscover and put into practice the values that facilitated this togetherness. Peaceful coexistence will be more feasible if youth can find a satisfying educational system in which they would not appeal to violence, war, and terror; and thus, education will be a strong alternative to violence.

That being said, educational institutions established by the Hizmet movement adopt a model that provides examples of coexisting peacefully regardless of religion, language, race, sect, and ethnicity. In most cases the children of those who antagonize each other get educated at the same schools, in the same classes, in the same schoolyards and laboratories, thanks to those teachers who extend their merciful hands to them equally. At these schools, the students breathe the very atmosphere of peace. We hope that they will put the values they get at these schools into practice. The Hizmet movement promotes peaceful coexistence of different groups and individuals and supports consolidation of the values to carry this out.

As a reality of the day, modernity brings issues and problems in brotherhood of peoples. What can be done to minimize the damage and to improve already damaged brotherhood?

There might be some damage coming from modernity, but it probably puts many more opportunities in front of us. “People are the enemies of those they don’t know.” We used to have problems before; Arabs didn’t know Turks well enough, Turks didn’t know Kurds well enough, etc. In the battle of Gallipoli, many Muslim soldiers fought against us without knowing who they were fighting against. This is a good example of how people may have animosities due to lack of knowledge. However, thanks to modernization, we know each other much better. It doesn’t make sense to oppose modernity that bears no fruit. Scientific and technological advancements set the trends and bring a lot of opportunities in terms of building better relationships with each other and consolidating the grounds for solidarity and brotherhood. This may be the way to compensate for the damage modernity brings.

On the other hand, modernization promotes individualism and puts individual rights before duties. When there is a problem with regard to rights, modernization supports the idea of giving up on duties until the problem is solved. In practice, this leads to a kind of vicious circle. In our culture, we are taught to be easygoing. When such an attitude gets widespread in society, it creates fertile grounds, a bigger circle of kindness. The success of the Western world depends on competition, whereas Eastern cultures aim to reach the same goal by helping one another in tranquility, without conflicts. We must promote the revival of such attitudes in our societies.

What is the role of civic society in facilitating the ongoing Peace Process in Turkish and Kurdish societies? What are your recommendations?

I believe that sincerity and mutual respect are crucial, as well as a characteristic expressed in a Hadith of The Prophet (PBUH): wishing for others what we wish for ourselves and avoiding deeds that we wouldn’t like to have happen to ourselves. Moreover, choosing other people over ourselves, a significant feature of the locals of Medina that is also praised in the Quran, will help us overcome hatred. Turkish and Kurdish civil society organizations can greatly contribute to peace by providing the grounds for the aforementioned values and facilitating people embracing them. On such grounds people can come together and form a kind of unity that will last. This is possible and efforts must be channeled in this direction.

Furthermore, avoiding offensive attitudes in both discourse and practice, embracing people in an all-inclusive manner, and being patient are of utmost importance. Everyone needs to act with caution and prudence and be on the alert against provocations. We must recognize that problems cannot be solved by shouting at each other or by slogans. Those who want to solve them and thus prevent conflicts should provide reports, declarations and well-thought-out texts. Issues should be handled with reason, perspicacity and clemency, not with rage or violent attacks.

Benefitting from slowly restoring the security atmosphere in the region, there needs to be improvement in economic, social, cultural and spiritual relations, particularly in education. To this end, joint projects must be promoted, especially those that are called The Bridges of Heart, extending from East to West and the other way around. The existing capacities and targets of these projects must be improved.

Also, it is of crucial importance to make Kurdish-dominated regions centers of attraction, with special emphasis on education. Indeed, solving education-related problems will help solve many other problems at the same time. Unemployed, dispossessed and uneducated people have always perceived themselves as second-class citizens. However, the people of these regions are actually very clever, and their ancestors were founders of major civilizations in the past. We need to take them out of the negative psychological atmosphere and possible inferiority complex that some are trapped in. While working for this cause, we should refrain from hurting each other’s feelings and pay respect to the principles of fraternity and equality.

In this regard, I would like to highlight the following: we must always remember that human rights and freedoms are gifts granted by God, and they cannot be taken away. It is not the people who granted us these things, so no one can take them away. People are all equals; everyone, even including the Prophets, is equal to each other in terms of human qualities and being created by God. Without recognizing this equality, no one can administer justice. We should not let our words, acts, and behavior give the impression of doing a favor. We should not see or use these basic rights and freedoms as the object of bargaining in the face of other values. Any other way that is outside the legal boundaries, anything that is not accepted by international law, and specifically violence, must be avoided at all costs.

*This interview appeared in Rudaw, translated into Sorani, on June 29, 2013.

For a translation to Kurmanci by Rudaw, see http://rudaw.net/kurmanci/interview/30062013
For Turkish, despite not being the full interview, see http://www.zaman.com.tr/yorum_hak-ve-hurriyetler-pazarlik-konusu- olamaz_2103914.html

Source: Rudaw, June 29, 2013

Friday, November 15, 2013

Hizmet from the Heart - Dr Jon Pahl, Lutheran Theological Seminary, Philadelphia


Jon Pahl
As delivered at “Friendship Dinners” in Portland, Maine, and Boston, Massachusetts
For the past six years, since attending an event very much like this one, I have been fortunate to meet thousands of individuals around the world inspired by a single ideal:  Hizmet.  
I could tell you tonight about my scholarly “take” on this Hizmet movement as a historian of religions. I could introduce you to or deepen your understanding of the thought of the Turkish public intellectual Fethullah Gülen. I could describe the roles of Turkish Muslims in building science academies and schools in some of the poorest places on the planet. And I could talk about how individuals inspired by hizmet are building peace through interreligious dialogue, civic engagement, and social enterprise.
But instead, tonight, I want to talk about hizmet from the heart.
I grew up in a small town in Wisconsin, in a devout Lutheran family  From as early as I can remember, we played church in my home. I’d dress up in one of my father’s white dress shirts, and my mother had a fancy cross that I would wear around my neck as I dressed like a “pastor.” We would process into the living room of our tiny story-and-a half home, and there I would preside over church: we would sing a hymn, say a prayer, and then I would collect the offering….
Church was the center of my family’s social life. That meant potlucks and confirmation classes and youth group — all the things Garrison Keillor has made a fine living poking gentle fun at. But it also meant that I learned, in many and various ways, to live with a paradox that Martin Luther articulated in a 1520 treatise entitled Christian Liberty. “A Christian,” Luther wrote, “is a perfectly free servant of none, subject to none.” That sounds pretty good to most of our Western ears. Freedom! But as I grew up I also learned that this freedom — the freedom of the gospel that flows from grace, had a purpose. “A Christian,” Luther continues, “is a perfectly dutiful servant of all, subject to all.” That complicates things, doesn’t it? Perfectly free; perfectly dutiful. But that paradox—we might call it the freedom to serve, has been at the core of my lived experience.  
Now, six years ago, I attended an event very much like this one in Philadelphia, where I was first introduced to Fethullah Gülen’s book Toward a Global Civilization of Love and Tolerance.  At that event, I also first met individuals inspired by the teachings of Mr. Gulen. And since that time, my life has been changed in countless ways for the better. . . by hizmet.
Sociologist Muhammad Cetin — now serving in Parliament in Turkey, in a brief book Hizmet: Questions and Answers on the Gulen Movement (pdf), describes how Hizmet is an Islamic-inspired “movement to mobilize huge numbers of religiously-minded and observant individuals not only to accept but to cherish a secular, pluralist democratic social and political order.”
OK — you might be thinking at this point, that sounds pretty heady — Muslims, secular, pluralist, democratic -- what does that have to do with “Hizmet from the heart?”
In addition to being a historian, I am the father of three children. I trust many of you here tonight are parents, and those of you who are single—since you are attending an event like this, probably participate on some level in what Jonathan Schell called “universal parenthood:” working on behalf of a better world for coming generations.  
And I don’t know much at all about your lives, but in my experience of parenting, for all of its joys — and they are many: raising children and fostering a new generation has also been the most difficult, demanding, and anxiety-producing calling of my life.  
Yet here’s where it all comes together. In 2009, my wife Lisa and I took a trip to Turkey, sponsored by our local Dialogue Forum — a group of individuals in Philadelphia inspired to hizmet. Lisa wasn’t sure about the trip. She was worried.  
But once we arrived in Istanbul, she fell in love — as did I, with the layers of history in Turkish culture — going back millennia to the dawn of civilization. We fell in love -- with the beauty of the Bosphorus, the mosaics of the Blue Mosque, the splendor of Aya Sofya. In 2011, we returned to Turkey to begin studying the language. When she left — a few weeks before I did, and when I asked her on the phone how it felt to be back home in Philadelphia, she said: “I miss Istanbul!”
Now this nostalgia was not only for a place: it was also for people — for their hopes and dreams, fears and concerns, anxieties and aspirations — which we learned to realize that we shared across the Atlantic, across the language, across religions. We discovered people — Muslims, who cherished their freedom — freedom that they see as coming from God — as did Martin Luther, but that they articulate in secular terms and democratic political structures. AND we discovered these same people who cherish freedom were also dutiful and devoted and decent and kind. What my wife Lisa and I have learned to love, and what I miss even now, and find endlessly fascinating in its similarities to and differences from what I grew up with, is a Turkish version of the paradox of the freedom to serve -- which is what the word hizmet means: “service.”
Hizmet motivated Turkish engineers and businessmen and teachers to move to Kampala Uganda and start a school — Turkish Light Academy, that I was privileged to visit in 2010. The school has a beautiful modern campus with soccer field, dormitories, and hi-tech classrooms. 75% of the students at that school, started by Muslims, were Christians. When I spoke at the school, I talked about the power of religion to move societies toward justice and peace — as in the US Civil Rights Movement, and I urged the young men to learn tolerance in their relationships with people of different faiths. During the question and answer session, a young man named Andrew D’Aloi Ayeni stood up and asked me: “Could you name a time in your life when you practiced tolerance, sir?” It was the perfect question — and since then Drew and I have kept in touch — he’s on Facebook, and he has now graduated from college with a degree in Economic Development and hopes to study for his masters — if he can round up the resources -- here in the U.S.
And Hizmet motivated Emine Unal — the mother of two and a student in Happy Valley, Pennsylvania, to undertake studies in religious peacebuilding with me at The Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia. And Hizmet motivated my friend Naji Yazicioglu to study genetics in a Ph.D. program at the University of Pennsylvania, and now go back to Turkey to teach.   And Hizmet motivated Emre Celik — an Australian Muslim of Turkish descent from near Sydney, to move to the U.S. to lead Rumi Forum — a think tank and advocacy group in Washington, DC.  
These names may mean nothing to you, but what they mean to me is that I now have colleagues and friends — sisters and brothers, around the world who share with me — for all of our differences, in living out the paradox of the freedom to serve  I have learned from them. We can all learn from them.  
Some of these friends have been to our home; and I’ve been to theirs.  So it did not surprise my wife Lisa and me, at all, when our son Justin — 27 and finishing his first novel, announced after he had saved enough money that he was moving to Istanbul. He now lives there and works as an editor at The Fountain magazine. The point? We have entrusted our first child to Turkey, toHizmet! Late last week he wrote to me a long email about an academic conference he had attended, where the speakers from Pakistan and Turkey and the U.S. talked about faith and doubt, religion and sexuality, politics and service — in a word, abouthizmet.
And also last week Justin published an essay in Today’s Zaman — an Istanbul newspaper. What motivated the column was his trip home to the U.S. this summer, where when he told his old high school and college friends that he was living in Turkey, they’d ask him: “Aren’t you afraid? Do you feel safe?” Slowly, as he was asked these questions over and over, his patience gave way. He narrates in the column how he did some homework. In 2012, Istanbul — a city of nearly fourteen million, had 111 murders. Philadelphia? A city of 1.3 million — 335. What does the FEAR that so many Americans project onto Turkey, onto Muslims, say about the state of our own civil society, Justin asked! And then he wrote: “The graciousness I've encountered in Turkey has shown me that I can live with less, and give more.” 
That’s hizmet. And yet it is also the path to a meaningful, rich life — rich in the things that matter, the things that endure, the things that aren’t things.  
Rabbi Michael Lerner has insistently made the point that we need in America to get beyond pervasive and paralyzing cynicism to a new politics of meaning — open to the wonder of life, its variety and beauty, and yet also working ceaselessly with the rigor of science to promote understanding, justice, and peace. That’s hizmet: freedom from fear, secure in the ultimate mercy and grace of a compassionate God, yet freedom to serve: recognizing the needs and suffering of one’s neighbors, and the strength and joy found in solidarity and community.
Thank you for coming tonight. Thank you for your work on behalf of future generations — whatever you do. Thank you for being a person of hizmet — even if, like me six years ago, you’d never heard the word before tonight.

Wednesday, September 25, 2013

Fethullah Gulen Condemns Terrorist Attack in Nairobi, Kenya

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

September 25, 2013 – I am heartbroken by the senseless terrorist attack in Kenya and the loss of lives and horrific injuries to so many innocent people. In the eyes of God, every life is sacred and every person has dignity. The taking of a single human life is an attack on all humankind.

I deplore these revolting acts of terrorism, which serve no purpose but to bring about destruction, sorrow and grief. I reiterate my condemnation of all forms of terror regardless of its perpetrators and their stated purposes. The criminals must be brought to justice even though that will do little to mitigate the cruelty inflicted on victims and their families.

I extend my heartfelt prayers to the injured, the families of the deceased and all of the people of Kenya. I ask God the Merciful to guide us all expediently into a world of mutual respect and peace.

Read more of Fethullah Gulen’s statement.

Wednesday, August 14, 2013

THE ATLANTIC: A Rare Meeting With Reclusive Turkish Spiritual Leader Fethullah Gulen

See also:


*JAMIE TARABAY

Fethullah Gulen is a Turkish religious spiritual leader, some say to millions of Turks both in Turkey and around the world, and the head of the Gulenist movement. His network of followers span the globe and have opened academically-focused schools across 90 countries, including the U.S.

The hocaefendi, meaning "respected teacher," as he is called, left Turkey in 1998 to avoid charges from the Turkish government of involvement in anti-secular activities. He eventually settled in Saylorsburg, Pennsylvania, where he continues to preach, write, and guide his followers through television and the Internet.

He is sickly and doesn't travel, yet secular Turks worry his influence in political ranks will grow Islamist influence there and turn the country into a religious state. He is well-known in Turkey and across Central Asia, yet here in the United States, he remains a mystery.

The reclusive spiritualist keeps to his home in the Poconos, attended by believers, praying, lecturing, and claiming his influence is not as wide-ranging as his critics claim it to be. He rarely gives interviews, but I was recently allowed to travel to the idyllic resort-like compound he has been living in for around 14 years and meet with Gulen for an interview.

An edited transcript of his translated answers follows:

The Atlantic: It's so rare to have an interview with you, why is that?

Fethullah Gulen: I grew up in a humble family with a shy personality. I accept these kind offers out of respect for those who are requesting such interviews, otherwise, I would prefer to live a secluded life just by myself.

We just saw your living quarters, and I saw a very small bed, a small mat, a small room. When you can have all the space you need, why do you use such a small area for yourself?

My whole life has been this way, during my years as a student, and later on in life I have always lived in such humble spaces. It's because I would like to live like my fellow citizens because I consider myself among them. By no means do I consider myself superior in any sense. Also, it is in my nature. I believe in the hereafter; I believe that's the true life, therefore I don't want to attach myself too much to this world.

Do you still teach every day?

I try to spend time with the students here every day as much as my health allows me. Some days my health prevents me from doing so, but I'd like to continue to study with them for as long as I am alive.

I heard you had no female students.

In Turkey, our friends are running a program in which female students are taking graduate-level courses in divinity. Here, the same system couldn't be replicated, but there are ladies who regularly follow the lectures.

According to Islamic tradition, is the role of women limited to motherhood?

No, it is not. The noble position of motherhood aside, our general opinion about women is that, while taking into account their specific needs, it should be made possible for them to take on every role, including the jobs of physician, military officer, judge and president of a country. As a matter of fact, in every aspect of life throughout history Muslim women made contributions to their society. In the golden age (referring to the years during Mohammed's lifetime) starting with Aisha, Hafsa, and Um Salama (the Prophet's wives), had their places among the jurists and they taught men.

When these examples are taken into consideration, it would be clearly understood that it is out of the question to restrict the lives of women, narrowing down their activities. Unfortunately, the isolation of women from social activities in some places today, a practice that stems from the misinterpretation of Islamic sources, has been a subject of a worldwide propaganda campaign against Islam.

If there is one thing that you would say to people here in this country who don't know a lot about you, your beliefs and your teachings, what would that message be?

I don't have a need to promote myself. I've never sought to be known or recognized by people. I simply share ideas I believe in with people around me. If people recognize me despite that, that's their mistake. But my core belief is to seek peace in the world, helping people eliminate certain malevolent attitudes through education as much as possible. An Arabic proverb says: "If something cannot be attained fully, it shouldn't be abandoned completely."

What message do you have for Americans who are concerned about the number of charter schools founded by people you inspire? How do you expect that influence to reflect on that educator's life?

First of all, let me clarify that I have never been personally involved in the founding or operation of any school. My influence, if any, has been through my sermons, talks and seminars. If I have any credit among the people who listen to my words, I have channeled that credit or credibility to encouraging them to establish institutions of education. I have tried to explain that we can achieve peace and reconciliation around the world only through raising a generation of people who read, who think critically, who love fellow humans and who offer their assets in service of humanity.

You don't seek to be noticed, yet you were one of TIME's 100 people, and called a voice of moderation that is desperately needed. Why? And what more could other moderate voices do to be heard today?

Although there are voices of moderation around the world, it's sometimes hard to reach a consensus among them. Perhaps what is more important is to be an example. Could Turkey be an example in this regard? Could this movement be an example, could this community be an example? I believe if we're to face ourselves, ask ourselves, perhaps because we haven't been able to set a good example and fully represent our values, there hasn't been great interest or sympathy in the world. But we are hopeful, that God willing this will happen. These views were not welcome in Turkey, but now they are slowly being embraced. If you remember, when I said 20 years ago that democracy was a process from which there would be no return, certain media organizations that are now supportive of the present government were very skeptical and they criticized me severely.

You said earlier if you live in a democracy where you have full freedom of expression as a Muslim, then there's no need for any other kind of government. What is an example of being a Muslim without that freedom of expression, and what should they do in that situation?

In many places around the world, including Turkey until the 1950s, Muslims didn't have full freedom of religion. Even personal practice was not allowed, and they had to practice in secret. I remember when I was in elementary school around the age of 6 and when I did my noon prayer during recess once, I was locked in the basement as punishment by the principal. Such pressure was real. Today, on the one hand, some Muslims face oppression and in response, certain individuals commit suicide attacks. Religion doesn't condone or justify responding to those who oppress with oppression. Today, Muslims face oppressive conditions in some places, and Christians in others. Some things take time. All humanity should embrace a peaceful attitude, but this can only be achieved in the long term through rehabilitation of society. Can we achieve this? We will achieve whatever we can, and for our unrealized goals, we will be rewarded for our intention.

Many people love you, but there are also many people who fear you. Some want you to return to Turkey, and others fear what you might do should you go there.

I am neither the first nor the last to create such polarized attitudes and perspectives. Indeed throughout history, friends of the truth have faced obstacles and enmity, including the messengers of God. Perhaps, when looking at this situation, we should say that maybe we haven't represented ourselves or explained ourselves accurately to people. When we reflect on this, we should say, "If we were able to make it clear that we have nothing for them to be concerned about, then they wouldn't harbor enmity against us." We should give others the benefit of the doubt. Around the world, whole societies experience paranoia. And people in Turkey are also affected by this. We should act and express ourselves in such a way that eliminates every negative thought or suspicion. But we should also accept the fact that some people have historically entrenched attitudes and cannot change. So it is not possible to be praised and loved at the same degree by everybody.


Chief Rabbi of Israel Eliyahu Bakshi Doron, left, gives a vase as gift to Islamic scholar and spiritual leader Fethullah Gulen, right, during his visit to Istanbul on Feb. 25, 1998. (AP Photo/Murad Sezer)


Some statements concerning Jews or Israel in your early sermons have been perceived as anti-Semitic. How do you respond to this?

We can consider this matter from different angles. First, it is always possible for a person to go through an evolution in his thinking. In an article I wrote years ago I asked: Are you today the same person as yesterday? And are your interlocutors the same people as yesterday? Neither you are exactly the same person, nor are your interlocutors, which means tomorrow neither of you will be the same person either.

The actions and attitudes of your interlocutors affect your views and expressions. During the interfaith dialogue process of the 1990s, I had a chance to get to know practitioners of non-Muslim faiths better, and I felt a need to revise my expressions from earlier periods.

I sincerely admit that I might have misunderstood some verses and prophetic sayings. I realized and then stated that the critiques and condemnations that are found in the Koran or prophetic tradition are not targeted against people who belong to a religious group, but at characteristics that can be found in any person.

In some cases my words have been taken out of context. Sometimes people with questionable intentions selectively extract statements from my speeches and writings without regard to the context or circumstances. My efforts for interfaith dialogue were criticized as softening Muslims' perspectives on Jews and Christians. I have not done anything that I did not believe to be in the footsteps of the Prophet Mohammed. He was the one who stood for a funeral procession of a Jewish resident of Medina, showing respect for a deceased fellow human being.

It is a fact that I criticized certain actions of Israel in the past. But in my mosque sermons, I also categorically condemn terrorism and suicide bombings that target innocent civilians.

Why do you choose to stay in Pennsylvania?

Although there are no legal obstacles for my return to Turkey, I am concerned that certain circles are waiting for an opportunity to reverse the democratic reforms that were started in the early 1990s and accelerated in the last decade. I am concerned that these elements will try to take advantage of my return by putting the government in a difficult position. I have to sacrifice my intense desire to return to my homeland in the interest of both Turkey and the good work of volunteers of the (Gulen) movement around the world. I feel that I need to live with my pain of yearning to return and stay here until there are no more concerns about the consolidation of democratic reforms. Additionally, while in Turkey, I would seek corrections and possible legal actions against libel and slander. Here, I am away from such harassment, and I am less affected by them. I find this place more tranquil.

How do you view Turkey's current political ambitions and place in the world?

Turkey is in accession talks with the European Union. Part of Turkey is considered in Europe and the other part in Asia, and sometimes it is considered in the Middle East. It stands in a very important place geographically and politically. It is crucial for Turkey to preserve and advance its achievements in democratization, thanks in part to its ongoing relationship with the European Union.

Turkey also needs to make use of certain dynamics to take on a more active role in the region. For instance, if there is a favorable view and positive perception of Turkey due to its historic ties in the region, Turkey should be careful to protect those perceptions. It should protect its reputation. Good relationships and influence depend on love, respect, and good will, and collaborating around mutually agreeable goals. Is Turkey doing these fully today or not? This is a question that deserves discussion. If Turkey is indeed able to develop good diplomatic relations in the region, I believe it will be in the interest of Europe, the United States and the world. But I don't think Turkey is doing what it can toward this end at the moment.

How would you define your vision of Islam and the kind of Muslim you are?

I consider myself an ordinary Muslim who is constantly working to put himself in the framework established by the Koran and the tradition of the Prophet Mohammed. I study the works of experts of jurisprudence, Koranic commentary, hadith commentary, and Sufism. In the past I was asked about my views on the spiritual dimension of Islam. I was asked whether I belonged to a Sufi order or whether I was against Sufism. Although I do not belong to any Sufi order and I have never attempted to establish one, I can say that the righteous masters of Sufism have influenced me greatly.

Finally, my understanding and vision of Islam cannot be understood only through my words. My lifework and the projects through which my friends and I hope to serve humanity should also be considered. The educational dialogue, humanitarian assistance initiatives represent our vision better than words.


*JAMIE TARABAY is a former contributing editor at Atlantic Media. Her writing has appeared in National Journal, TheAtlantic.com and the quarterly dispatch: Beyond Iraq. As Baghdad Bureau Chief for NPR News, her reporting on the war in Iraq received the Alfred I duPont-Columbia University Award. She is the author of A Crazy Occupation; Eyewitness to the Intifada.


Thursday, April 18, 2013

TODAYS ZAMAN: Gülen among TIME magazine's 100 most influential people


Gülen among TIME magazine's 100 most influential people



18 April 2013 /TODAY'S ZAMAN, İSTANBUL


Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen has made it onto Time magazine's list of the 100 most influential people in the world.

This is the 10th year the magazine has listed its 100 most influential people shaping the world.

This year, the magazine put seven cover portraits of “TIME 100” honorees who it said reflect the “breadth and depth of our list.” They include Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai,
musician and businessman Jay Z, actress Jennifer Lawrence, politician Rand Paul, inventor and entrepreneur Elon Musk, Chinese tennis player Li Na and Bollywood star Aamir Khan.
In 2008, Gülen came out on top of a list of "The World's Top 20 Public Intellectuals" put together by the magazines Foreign Policy and Prospect.

Gülen is a Turkish Islamic scholar well known for his teachings promoting mutual understanding and tolerance between cultures. Now residing in the US, Gülen has pioneered educational activities in a number of countries, along with efforts to promote intercultural and interfaith activities around the world.

He has also written nearly 50 books in Turkish, some of which have been translated into several languages. He was most recently honored with the EastWest Institute's (EWI) 2011 EWI Peace Building Award for his contribution to world peace.

Throughout his life and until today, Gülen has been greatly influenced by the ideas and writings of many Muslim scholars, such as Said Nursi, Mawlana Jalaladdin Rumi, Abu Hanifa, Ghazali, Imam Rabbani and Yunus Emre.

Gülen is regarded as the founder and inspirer of the global social movement known as the Hizmet (Service) Movement, more popularly known as the Gülen Movement.

In 1959, Gülen was awarded a state preacher's license in Edirne, Turkey. He was then transferred in 1966 to a religious post in İzmir. It was in İzmir that Mr. Gülen's progressive ideas of education, science, the economy and social justice began to take shape and his supporters began to increase.

During this time, he traveled to various provinces in Anatolia giving lectures in mosques, coffee houses and other community meeting places.

In 1994, Gülen co-founded the Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV) and was given the title "Honorary President" by the foundation.

In March 1999, upon the recommendation of his doctors, he moved to the US to receive medical care.

Despite the high regard millions hold for him, Mr. Gülen considers himself a volunteering member of the civil society movement he helped found and does not accept any credit of leadership for the Hizmet (Service) Movement.

Gülen currently resides in Pennsylvania and continues to write and give talks on various subjects.

The jailed leader of the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, was also included on the magazine's list.

ANNOUNCEMENT Fethullah Gulen, Rumi Forum Honorary President, named in 2013 TIME 100 list






We were delighted to hear today that Mr. Fethullah Gulen, an inspiration for many of our volunteers and donors, was named as one of TIME Magazine’s 100 most influential people in the world in 2013.

Being named on the TIME100 list is recognition we see befitting of Mr. Gulen, who has dedicated his life to interfaith tolerance and peaceful coexistence with people of all faiths and backgrounds. His reinterpretation of aspects of Islamic tradition not only meets the needs of contemporary Muslims, but also inspires millions in Turkey and around the world to promote community service, intercultural dialogue and education.

The 2013 TIME 100 includes other noted world leaders such as President Obama and Pope Francis . In the past, TIME has honored global leaders such as the Dalai Lama, Pope Benedict XVI and Aung San Suu Kyi in their TIME 100 list. Last year, TIME’s honorees in education were Salman Khan and Cami Anderson.

TIME recognized Gulen for “preaching a message of tolerance that has won him admirers around the world.” As you may know, Hizmet volunteers over the years have been involved in building schools, dormitories and tutoring centers, teaching college preparatory courses, mentoring students, and providing financial aid to those in need. With a focus on science, math, literature and multicultural understanding, its award-winning schools have been established around the world, including Indonesia, Congo, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Cambodia, South Africa, Afghanistan and Pakistan.

To read more about Mr. Gulen’s and Hizmet’s efforts in education, please visit the Alliance for Shared Values at www.afsv.org. The Rumi Forum is a member organization of AFSV.

To read more about Rumi Forum,  please visit  www.rumiforum.org

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Thank you all for your continued support  and service to Rumi Forum
Best,
Emre Celik
President
Rumi Forum

Friday, April 12, 2013

EURASIANET: Turkey: How Durable is Gulen Movement?