Rumi Forum's blog on Hizmet, Fethullah Gulen, peacebuilding, education and interfaith efforts.

Showing posts with label Ergenekon. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ergenekon. Show all posts

Sunday, March 23, 2014

Fethullah Gulen's Interview with Today's Zaman [Part 2]

Islamic scholar Gülen says he cannot remain silent on corruption

Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen says his deep conviction in Islam will not allow him to turn a blind eye to allegations of corruption, lamenting the fact that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s government has failed to take measures to tackle these allegations despite early warnings from state agencies.
Islamic Scholar Fethullah Gülen criticizes Erdoğan’s government for not combating corruption, saying, “God will hold us accountable” for actions which run contrary to the interests of the nation.

“If there are acts of bribery, theft, clientelism, bid rigging, etc., which run contrary to the interests of
 the nation, and if these acts are covered up, God will hold us accountable for them. But it appears that some people nurtured certain expectations,” Gülen told Today’s Zaman in an exclusive interview at his residence located in Saylorsburg, Pennsylvania.

“If among those who conducted the graft investigations were some people who might be connected to the Hizmet movement, was I supposed to tell these people, ‘Turn a blind eye to the corruption charges’?” he asked, adding: “It appears to me that some people were expecting me to do this. Did they expect me to do this? How can I say something that would ruin my afterlife? How else can I act?”

Gülen also criticized Erdoğan’s government for not combating corruption. “The government did not take measures against corruption. But when the police operations were launched under the graft probe of Dec. 17, they apparently thought they could get away [with it] by hurling accusations against certain people or groups,” he explained.

Recalling that the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) had submitted a report to Erdoğan on April 18, 2013, detailing suspicious relations -- bribery and influence-peddling -- among certain ministers and Reza Zarrab, an Iranian businessman and graft suspect, Gülen said “the report was ignored.”

The Islamic scholar, who inspired the Hizmet movement, a world-wide network active in education, charity and outreach, also stated that the government must provide evidence to back up its accusations. Commenting on remarks by Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç, who claimed that some people have threatened the prime minister regarding the government’s plan to shut down prep schools, Gülen said that blackmailing the government is a serious crime and whoever makes such claims must prove it and take the case to court.


Noting that some 3,000 of 3,800 prep schools are not affiliated with the Hizmet movement, Gülen expressed his deep regret over seeing so many prep school owners who have nothing to do with the Hizmet movement victimized.

“I should note that it would be better if they had made their intention public, saying, for example, ‘We don’t want the Hizmet movement to engage in the prep school business.’ They shouldn’t have victimized prep schools that are not affiliated with the Hizmet movement,” he explained.
Pointing out growing problems in education, such as drug abuse, underage drinking and suicide, Gülen said the government should spend more energy and resources to tackle these serious threats.
As for wiretaps on phone conversations of unsuspecting citizens, Gülen said authorities should investigate the illegal recordings, adding that he was also victimized as such. He made a distinction between legally authorized wiretaps carried out under court order and those who relied on illegal methods to record the phone conversations.

“Those who relied on illegal methods to listen in on phone calls should be identified and brought to justice,” Gülen explained.

Here is the second part of Gülen’s interview:
A certain section of the media has claimed that the graft and bribery investigations were masterminded by the Hizmet movement. How do you assess the current state of this matter?
Some people and groups persistently continue to hurl unfounded accusations at the Hizmet movement although we have issued numerous denials, explanations and corrections. As I have noted previously, some prosecutors and judicial police serving under them performed the duties required of them by law, but they apparently did not know that it was a crime to hunt down criminals! In other words, these people did not expect that they would be victimized for performing their duties. A columnist -- I think it was Yavuz Semerci -- recently wrote, “One day, these people will be decorated with medals.” Unfortunately, the officials who conducted the Dec. 17 probe and thousands of officials who had nothing to do with the probe were sent into exile and reassigned. They were victimized and the rights of their families were violated. And then, as if nothing had happened, some people started to accuse the Hizmet movement. And they told lies one after another. They continue to do so.

Graft and bribery investigation not novel

First of all, these graft and bribery investigations were not novel. Eight to nine months ago, the country’s intelligence service reported that a person, who might be a spy for Iran, had established close ties with ministers, their sons and even the Cabinet. This report was ignored. Then this development was reported extensively in the media, particularly in the papers close to the government. No attention was paid then either. The government did not take measures against corruption. But when the police operations were launched on Dec. 17 as part of the graft investigation, they apparently thought they could get away by hurling accusations against certain people or groups.

I have said this before. I have no connection to those who organized these operations. I have repeatedly stated that I do not know any of them, but they continue to claim that those prosecutors and police officers are linked to me.

What disappointed me was the position adopted by certain politicians who I thought to be dignified and honest people. It was my expectation that these people -- whom I have known for a long time and who I believe would not go against their conscience and uprightness -- would not keep silent in the face of corrupt practices and bribery. Or so I thought. I expected them to show the same reaction as, say, Özal would exhibit in the face of such illegal affairs. But they did not. Because they remained silent, others found the courage to proceed with their destructive plans. They did what had never been done in the history of the Turkish Republic. Turkey launched a crackdown on those who investigated the corruption instead of on those who engaged in corrupt practices.

Islam’s sanctions on this matter are clear. There are moral principles that prohibit corruption. There are even punishments for certain acts. No act of corruption can be approved of. No corruption can be left unpunished. From a moral point of view, it should be noted that if sins or errors remain restricted to the individual sphere and they do not affect the society, then Islam preaches that those individuals should be forgiven. Islam does not permit the dignity and honor of those sinners to be damaged. These two points should not be confused with each other. In other words, when the rights of other people are breached during the committal of those sins, Islam urges us to be extremely sensitive. For instance, ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab [the second caliph] removed Iyaz ibn al-Ghanem. He removed the governor, the regional governor, the governor of Africa and Amr ibn al-‘As from office.

Likewise, he removed from office another famous governor, the conqueror who fought in the Battle of al-Qadisiya against the Persians, and recalled him to Medina. This governor was in fact not guilty, as there were only rumors about him. ‘Umar concluded that if there are rumors or allegations about him, this means he has lost prestige and could no longer act as governor. ‘Umar even removed Khalid ibn al-Walid from office on the suspicion that he might be involved in corruption. At that time, the Battle of Yarmuk was under way. Don’t think ill of Khalid ibn al-Walid. This magnificent commander had only a horse and a sword when he died. He was a very great commander, God-fearing and pious. In other words, ‘Umar did not turn a blind eye to allegations of corruption. He closely investigated the matter.

If there are acts of bribery, theft, clientelism, bid rigging, etc., which run contrary to the interests of the nation, and if these acts are covered up, God will hold us accountable for them. But it appears that some people nurtured certain expectations… If among those who conducted the graft investigations were some people who might be connected to the Hizmet movement, was I supposed to tell these people, “Turn a blind eye to the corruption charges”? It appears to me that some people were expecting me to do this. Did they expect me to do this? How can I say something that would ruin my afterlife? How else can I act?

This is a point I had previously made. If the people who were accused of being members of a “parallel network” within the state had been in breach of laws or regulations, why haven’t they been punished yet? I heard tens of thousands of public servants were reshuffled or sent into exile, but I heard no investigation launched into any act of misconduct or breach of laws or regulations at those institutions. Did you hear of any?

I have been preaching for about 60 years. I have always said the same thing. Let this be my legacy. Let my brothers and sisters who have sympathy for me -- though I do not deserve it -- distance themselves miles away from such corrupt practices and let them not turn a blind eye to such practices. Let them do whatever they are supposed to under the law. The Quran refers to such corrupt practices as “ghulul.” Ghulul means taking something to which one is not entitled, or benefiting from it in an unfair manner, or stealing something from public funds, or betraying a trust. Thus, abuse of public goods or funds constitutes such a sin. This may be in the form of several cents or dollars or bags full of money. It may be in the form of acquiring a public position without merit or capacity. Any opportunity a person benefits from although they do not deserve it is considered ghulul.
The most tragic part is that, by committing ghulul, one unknowingly damages the very foundations of his or her religious beliefs. When we start to act in a dishonest manner in our personal life, we unknowingly damage how others think, understand and view religion. I think people who are attracted to political posts and positions tend to employ these “spoils” and commissions. In the final analysis, when a contractor or businessman has to pay bribes to public officials in order to be awarded a public contract, he or she tries to compensate for his losses through several methods. The rights of the public are safeguarded by God. Neither Islamic law nor modern legal systems tolerate breaches of these rights. If something is stolen from public funds, you cannot justify it by referring to the principles set forth in the Mecelle [a 19th-century codification of Islamic law by Ahmet Cevdet Paşa] or by indulging in demagoguery. You may set off by giving messages about Islamic principles about honesty and righteousness, but you may find yourselves deep down a dark alley. In such a case, those who invest their hopes in you will suffer from a great disappointment.

We should treat people with compassion

I would like to briefly add here the following: We should treat people with compassion. Our Prophet said, “Help your brother, whether he is an oppressor or he is an oppressed one.” To which the Companions replied, “O Messenger of God! It is all right to help him if he is oppressed, but how should we help him if he is an oppressor?” “By preventing him from oppressing others,” replied the Prophet. The Prophet advises us to stand against oppression, assault and murder. By explaining the evil character of these acts, people should be discouraged from committing them. When we opt to do this, this will bring about mutual affection and union, not division or conflict.

A certain segment of the media have made much ado about it, distorting the facts. People were deceived with the lie, “He cursed us.” Did you really curse them?
They persistently maintained the misunderstanding. Let me explain with an example. If a person repeatedly attacks you with lies and notoriety, you lose your patience at some point, and say, “If I am as you describe me, then may God curse me; but if I am not, then may God curse you for these lies and slander.” This was the supplication I made at that time. I did not name any person, party or group specifically. I only described certain attributes and acts. “Whoever does this or that,” I said. If they don’t bear those attributes or if they haven’t committed those acts, why do they take the curse personally? I would expect those who voice that slander based on some conspiracies or illusions in newspapers to say “amen” to my supplication. But they couldn’t. On the contrary, they opted to abuse it. I am still of the same position. If we are a gang or organization or “parallel” state, then may God curse us; but if not, may He curse those who attribute this slander to this innocent movement! Those who cannot say “amen” to this supplication with an easy conscience should be concerned over their fate.

Deputy Prime Minister and government spokesperson Bülent Arınç has claimed that some people had threatened the prime minister with regard to the government’s plan to shut down prep schools. He said, “They said, ‘Abandon this plan or we will overthrow your government.’ And I rose to the challenge. I told them, ‘Do whatever you plan to do; we will not retreat’.” Can you comment on this claim?
First and foremost: Whoever makes this claim must prove it and take the matter to court. A public announcement should also be made, naming the people who made that threat. Blackmailing the government is a grave offense. If this claim was made in connection with groundless suspicions, I see no need to comment on it.

As you know, the plan to shut down the prep schools is not a novel development. Indeed, at that time, the names of former education ministers were mentioned and it was said that they failed to implement that plan, and the current minister was named as the person who would implement it. It follows that this plan had long been on the agenda and, perhaps, a promise was made concerning its implementation. There were press reports that such a promise had been made and that records of it can be found in the state’s cosmic rooms [chambers where top secret documents are held]. It has now become crystal clear that the plan to close the prep schools is not justified in terms of improvements to the education system. The obvious intention is to block the Hizmet movement’s educational activities. “Do not send your children to their schools and prep schools,” we can hear being said at the election rallies of the ruling party. In other words, the government’s intention is to start with the prep schools and proceed with the schools. Then they will try to ensure that the Hizmet movement’s schools abroad are shut down. In this context, Nazlı Ilıcak’s analysis seems to be a very plausible explanation. She suggests that the government might have received prior intelligence about the graft investigations, and with the assumption that we could prevent them, it wanted to use the prep schools plan as blackmail or as a psychological operation or a [way to] shelter [itself].

Here, I should note that it would have been better if they had made their intention public, saying, for example, “We don’t want the Hizmet movement to engage in the prep schools business.” They shouldn’t have victimized the prep schools which are not affiliated with the Hizmet movement. It is sad to see that many people who had labored hard to run prep schools will be unfairly treated in this process. It has been said that 3,000 of the 3,800 prep schools are not affiliated with the Hizmet movement. If they had publicly told us, we would have said: “OK. If this is a life and death matter for you, we will ask our colleagues to shut down their prep schools in within a specified timeframe.” This way innocent people would not be victimized in the process.

On a different note, I would like to say the following: The Ministry of Education, and even the government, should concentrate on more serious problems. Currently, social crises and cultural erosion entrap individuals and families. I recently read about it in an academic article. If I remember correctly, the number of suicides rose by 36 percent in 12 years. Likewise, drug abuse is widespread at high schools and 32 percent of students drink alcohol. One psychiatrist says the number of those receiving treatment for drug abuse rose 17-fold in 10 years. These figures are frightening in that they threaten society’s moral and other values.

Given the fact that such huge problems pose great risks for the education system and even the country’s future, how can the plan to shut down prep schools be justified as an effort to save the education system? Will this decay be prevented by closing down the prep schools? As far as I know, the schools and prep schools affiliated with the Hizmet movement try to combat this decay. I am particularly concerned about the potential vacuum that will emerge in the Southeast. I have a hard time understanding how it is that those running the country can so comfortably put the country’s unity and integrity at risk just to pursue their small interests.

Illegal recordings must be investigated

A large number of sound recordings [of phone conversations] have been leaked. Some circles in particular accuse the Hizmet movement of leaking these tapes.

Similar accusations had been made in the past. However, those who direct these accusations have not so far presented evidence. Given that no strong or convincing evidence is being presented on such a critical and delicate issue, it is fair to believe that the accusers have something different in mind.
Everyone is talking on this matter. It is a complicated issue. There are legally wiretaps carried out upon a court order. But there are also illegal wiretaps. No matter what, those who relied on illegal methods to listen in on phone calls should be identified and brought to justice. This should be done regardless of the perpetrator’s identity and affiliation. My friends and I are also victims of illegal wiretapping. Black propaganda methods have been used to undermine our image; we are openly targeted and accused in the media. We can deal with this by relying on legal options only. If someone relied on irregular and illegal methods to wiretap, they should be brought to justice. But I should also note that those who accuse a large movement of the illegal wiretappings despite having no evidence for their accusation should also answer before the law. The judiciary should question them as to how they make these accusations. It is impossible to deal with illegality by relying on illegal means. I believe complaining about the sound recordings but also using some of them as part of election campaigning is not reconcilable with ethical and legal principles.

Source

Wednesday, May 23, 2012

OPEN DEMOCRACY Anatolian Muslim hood: humanising capitalism?


Anatolian Muslimhood: humanising capitalism?



The influential network of the Islamic Turkish thinker Fethullah Gülen is a challenging fusion of faith and modernity, finds Max Farrar in Istanbul.
About the author
Max Farrar is a sociologist ↑ at Leeds Metropolitan University.
A week in Istanbul can hardly fail to be an enriching experience for the intellectually curious visitor - even more when this great city, and Turkey generally, is at the heart of so many of the world's shaping concerns of faith and politics. This was certainly the case for me, when I stayed in Istanbul as a guest of the London-based Dialogue Society ↑ which supports the ideas and aims of the influential Islamic thinker Fethullah Gülen. ↑
These days of intense and enjoyable discussion - against the backdrop of escalating legal and political dispute in Turkey - took place in a conference room, in mosques, and over meals in people's houses. The participants were around forty in all; almost all the visitors were academics. The Turkish hosts were the majority; the guests came northern Europe and the United States, and included people from a variety of Christian denominations as well as atheists. The atmosphere was informal.
Our common interest lay in examining the ideas and practices that flow from Fethullah Gülen's ↑ thirty years of searching for truth through incremental renewals of the Islamic faith (see M Hakan Yavuz & John L Esposito, eds., Turkish Islam and the Secular State ↑ , Syracuse University Press, 2003).
The western media coverage of Gülen and his movement (such as it is) has concentrated on two questions: whether they really are as good as they seem, and whether this is the "moderate" bulwark against the Islamists that "the west" so desperately seeks. The first is an important issue because the Kemalite Turks who have ruled the country since the republic's foundation on 29 October 1923 are certain that the movement's real aim is sinister: to overturn Kemal Atatürk's ↑ secular constitution and impose a form of Islamic fundamentalism (see Erik J Zürcher, A History of Modern Turkey ↑ , IB Tauris, 2004).
Is there a hidden agenda? The Dialogue Society has been working with my university ↑ in northern England for almost two years now with the explicit, agreed aim of subjecting the Gülen movement to academic scrutiny. The latest gathering was designed both to further the intellectual debate initiated at an international conference↑ in 2007 and to bring the media and business arms of the network into full view.  
The wealth and the spirit
The movement appears to be very rich, leading to questions about the source ↑ of its money (with the implication that if the money is "bad", then the movement must be too). The answer seems to be: voluntary donations, largely from rich businessmen. The Gülen network's organisations - mainly schools ↑ , based in over 100 countries - are publicly registered and subject to legal scrutiny. Their members are also highly motivated, as reflected in the fact that Fethullah Gülen was (in July 2008) voted the world's most significant intellectual in the respected intellectually monthly journal Prospect ↑ .
If there were any secret and "bad" funding it is near-certain that the Kemalites would have unearthed it by now. After all, the state agencies' intelligence-gathering is a central feature in the alleged "Ergenekon" plot ↑ against the Gülen-influenced government which is now in its trial stage (see Bill Park, "Ergenekon: Turkey's ‘deep state' in the light", 7 August 2008). But, if the Gülen movement really is what it claims to be - a tolerant, pro-democracy, socially conservative, European Union-oriented movement which promotes modern, secular education and favours advanced business methods - the Kemalites must be very worried about it. It has, after all, displaced them from their position at the centre of Turkish cultural life by democratic means.  But if they are what they claim to be, they are no threat to secularists who respect moderate forms of religious practice.
At the event, we listened to the stories of men from humble backgrounds who had after years of work and investment recently become rich; they now supported the movement's drive for an ethical capitalism. They seemed to personify the argument of the Nobel prize-winning novelist Orhan Pamuk ↑ (in his memoir Istanbul: Memories of a City ↑ ) that the elite's cosiness with the Turkish Kemalite military is based on the shared fear that people rooted in or close to the great unwashed mass of urban and rural (and Muslim) working people are on the verge of gaining power.
The Gülen people seemed at peace with themselves. There was no sign of what Pamuk describes as the "spiritual void" in the elite among whom he grew up - whose privileged children n public talk of mathematics and football, but "grapple with the most basic questions of existence...in trembling confusion and painful solitude".
A tradition in focus
In my view, the movement ↑ is what it says it is. The encounter with it raises in my mind three issues, more interesting than the questions posed in much of the western media.
The first is the way the movement responds in practice to those who criticise Islam's patriarchal bias. The women we met from the Gülen movement were as impressively intelligent, as fully engaged in public life and as confident and outgoing as their equivalents in the west (see "Sex and Power in Turkey: Feminism, Islam and the Maturing of Turkish Democracy ↑ ", European Stability Initiative, 2007). Women compose about three-quarters of the workforce at the  Zaman media group, whose publications - such as the impressive Today's Zaman ↑ - are close to the movement.
The Qur'anic verses which insist on women's equal human status with men really do seem to operate in the movement. The women (choose to) obey the injunction to dress modestly; at the same time, the verse "(there) is no compulsion in religion" seems to operate as strongly on this question as it does in the movement's relations with people of other faiths. But, as the Muslim feminist Kecia Ali ↑ points out, the Qur'an does not propose full social equality, however ‘complementary' men's and women's roles are seen to be (see Sexual Ethics And Islam: Feminist Reflections on Qur'an, Hadith, and Jurisprudence ↑ , Oneworld, 2006).
The second issue is the way the movement places itself in the context of Islam as a whole, not least given its strong commitment ↑ to changing Islamic practice, The movement resists the idea that it is reformist. "Renewal" is as far as Fethullah Gülen himself will go, because he insists that he is absolutely rooted in the Qur'an and thehadith.
These roots in tradition are the only thing they have in common with the salafi current of rigorous ("fundamentalist") Islamism that has widespread influence in Saudi Arabia. It is precisely in sharing and being part of this tradition, and having a recognised scholar of Islam at its head, that gives the movement such potential to rally influence Muslims worldwide (see Ehsan Masood, "A modern Ottoman ↑ ", Prospect, July 2008).
To the outsider, it looks like major developments are taking place. The movement deliberately builds schools, rather than mosques; its educational model may be elitist, but it offers bursaries for the poor, and girls and boys are equally welcome. In justification, they reiterate that the Prophet Mohammed insisted that all people must develop and use their powers of reasoning (see Patricia Crone, "What do we really know about Mohammed?", 31 August 2006).  
In public discourse, the Gülen movement accuses the Kemalites of "fundamentalist secularism" - since the Kemalites use secularism as a stick to beat down the supporters of Gulen. But the movement strongly supports a western-style secular state, on two grounds: this is the model that truly separates the state from religion (rather than subordinating religion to the state, as in modern Turkey under the Kemalists); and it guarantees freedom to worship in any way that people choose (thus making "no compulsion..." a reality).
In deciding which political system should be favoured, the movement's method is an artful fusion. The Qur'anic past is again invoked to establish the movement's theological credentials (it invokes the prophet's introduction of inclusive decision-making in Medina as its model), but this sits alongside a passionate advocacy of democracy (a radical break here with the salafi denunciation of "man-made laws").  
Fethullah Gülen ↑ is in the centre of Islamic belief that the Qur'an is the revealed word of God, and thus cannot be modified. But the prophet's own practice, he goes on, initiated the processes of interpretation that have been continuously developed for the past 1,400 years. These processes are influenced by the conditions of their time, and their geographical location. The implication could be drawn that this - Turkish and modern - movement is developing an Anatolian Muslimhood which might influence other formations of Muslimness.
The constraints of character
The third issue the encounter led me to reflect on is the rather quaint notion of "character" (especially in light of recent discussion on this topic in the British context about the search ↑ for public policies that can enforce "pro-social behaviour"). It is instructive in this respect to note the character of the people I met in the Gülen movement (students, journalists, business-people, academics and volunteers) did appear to embody the movement's values of sincerity, openness, respect, empathy and concern for the other. Their warmth and care shows every sign that this is indeed a movement producing thinking, compassionate human beings.
These kind people are, though, just as committed to neo-liberal capitalism as the western leaders - politicians, financiers, central-bank governors - who are currently engaged in frantic efforts to consolidate it in face of systemic crisis. Fethullah Gülen may have created a fascinating variant on Max Weber's message about the Protestant ethic's symbiosis with the spirit of capitalism, yet he emphasises none of Weber's darker messages about modernity (see "Islamic Calvinists: Change and Conservatism in Central Anatolia ↑ ", European Stability Initiative, 2005). In the end, therefore, what I think we were witnessing in Istanbul was the emergence of yet another effort by spiritual people to humanise a monster. It is probably the best organised and most coherent effort yet; but, as with all the world's religions, this movement seems unable fully to confront the massive injustices and inequalities that capitalism engenders.

SOURCE: http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/anatolian-muslimhood-in-search-of-a-humanised-capitalism

Wednesday, April 25, 2012

Response to New York Times: Setting the facts straight on the (Fethullah) Gulen movement by James C. Harrington

Harrington's piece clarifies crucial misinformation about Fethullah Gulen and the Gulen Movement, it is also valuable to read the five below articles to place everything into context:

Setting the facts straight on the Gülen movement

by James C. Harrington *

James C. Harrington (Photo: Today's Zaman)

25 April 2012 / JAMES C. HARRINGTON,

Much of what Dan Bilefsky and Şebnem Arsu’s recent article in the International Herald Tribune (“Shadow Force Grows in Turkey,” published on April 18) describes about Fethullah Gülen and Turkey’s recent history is accurate, but the authors cast a shadow of innuendo and loose conclusions, apparently more driven by personal predispositions than reality.


The attack on the Gülen movement is disingenuous, especially the oft-repeated but never proven claim that Gülen supporters have infiltrated the national police for some perfidious purpose. Surely, there are Gülen followers in the police, just as there are Catholics in American police forces. But attributing an unfounded agenda is unworthy without evidence. It is equally unworthy to create a fact by innuendo by reporting an American embassy cable that whether the national police is controlled by Gülen followers ‘‘is impossible to confirm, but we have found no one who disputes it.’’ How can the lack of confirmation become a fact? I recently published a book on the eight-year political trial of Gülen, 2000-2008. One of the charges against him involved the police infiltration allegation, and many others, some of which your article re-plays (such as the Islamist “hidden agenda”). The three-judge trial court painstakingly discredited each charge in a 48-page opinion, and acquitted him. An appellate panel upheld the verdict, as did the plenary appeals court. This was a courageous decision by the trial judges, who are appointed by an arm of the state because the message to convict Gülen was clear.

In fact, the judges ruled that the taped sermon of Gülen to which the article refers was fabricated, not “manipulated,” as the article puts it. It was a splice job. The court opinions in English and Turkish are posted on the website associated with my book: http://gulentrial.org/. They were easily available to the article’s authors.

Why the article ignores the gist of this trial is a mystery. Maybe because it runs contrary to its thesis. The article also ignores that Gülen folks strongly supported the recent constitutional amendments of Sept. 12, 2010, which generally are what we would consider a civil liberties Bill of Rights. Seventy-four percent of the people voted in the referendum and approved the amendments by a 58 percent margin.

It’s impossible to see how the current Ergenekon and Sledgehammer conspiracy trials, overreaching at times to be sure, can be attributed in part to the Gülen movement since the prosecutors and judges in those cases were appointed by the Supreme Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK), a self-selecting and self-perpetuating institution, which historically has functioned as a “border watchdog” against “non-approved” political change. The fact this institutional organ is prosecuting military officers is a significant development, something that could not have happened a few years ago -- and in sync with the European Union’s mandate that Turkey establish civilian control over the military, if it wants to enter the EU. The Gülen folks may support the prosecutions, as do most Turks; but they hardly control it.

Another critical fact the article omits is that Zaman newspaper, which associates itself with Gülen supporters, has been very sharply critical of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan for his handling of free speech and free press issues and other human rights matters. Zaman columnists have repeatedly decried jailing journalists, even if they were involved in Egenekon.

Nor does the article mention the Gülen movement has strongly supported EU membership from the beginning, which means assuring civil liberty, changing the legal system to European standards and separation of the secular state from religion. Hardly what one would expect from a group with a supposed Islamist agenda.

I’m no apologist for the movement; but, in my view, it has been good overall for democracy in Turkey and has done good things in other parts of the world. And, for a journalist, what’s fair should be fairly reported.

*Harrington is a human rights lawyer in Austin, where he also teaches at the University of Texas Law School. He is the author of “Wrestling with Free Speech, Religious Freedom, and Democracy in Turkey: The Political Trials and Times of Fethullah Gülen” (University Press, 2011). The court opinions in English and Turkish are posted on the website associated with the book: http://gulentrial.org/

SOURCE: http://www.todayszaman.com/news-278603-setting-the-facts-straight-on-the-gulen-movement-by-james-c-harrington-*.html


More info on Fethullah Gulen and the Hizmet (Gulen) Movement: