Exclusive: Interview with Fethullah Gülen, home sickness and fabricated coup

Please note translation in some areas is not accurate

By: Egypt Today staff

Sat, Jul. 15, 2017

CAIRO - 15 July 2017: It is not easy to find a Turkish political dissident old man who is being chased by regimes and terrorist organizations from all over the world. Fethullah Gülen, leader of Hizmet movement who has been living as a Political refugee in Pennsylvania, USA for more than 20 years talked to Egypt Today through email about several issues, including the current political regime in Turkey, the real reasons of his dispute with Erdogan and his expectations for his country’s future: 

[Read more Gulen interviews and op-eds here - including New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, BBC, Politico, Asharq Al-Awsat, Le Monde, Reuters and many more ]

A year after July 15, 2016 coup, how do you evaluate what happened during this period? 

Turkey has witnessed a lot of injustice and freedoms violation during the past period, not only after July 15, even before that. The ruler party has controlled the judiciary system, as you can tell there is not any independence in the way it- Judiciary system- works. 

Huge number of sever repressive practices were applied on civilians for the first time in the Turkish history, even some American media outlets started to make comparisons between what is happening now in Turkey and what some dictators like Joseph Stalin and Mao Tse-tung did. 


You have been accused of being responsible of the July 15 coup against Recep Tayyip Erdogan. In your opinion who is responsible for it? 


In the same night, I condemned the coup attempt and assured that I’m not responsible for it and that I don’t have any relation with any of its planners, Erdogan insisted that I’m responsible even before starting the investigations; however these accusations are neither real nor true. 

I am not in a position that allows me to accuse anyone with a coup attempt; however according to some media, analysts and experts reports this attempt was not planned to be a real coup. Some of the secular nationalist hardliners designed this movement to look like a coup; accordingly, Erdogan troops will have the chance to get rid of all the Turkish army members who supports me. This would allow the Turkish president to tighten his powers over the army and give his militants the chance to go within the army troops. 

Shortly after the coup, I suggested to make international investigations to know the truth about what really happened during this night. I announced that I am willing to buy a ticket myself and go back to Turkey if I was convicted with planning to the coup attempt; however, Erdogan refused. 

How do you see Erdogan’s rule? 

The experts have discussed Erdogan’s law state and his eligibility to take the office, especially after the allegations that went viral regarding forging his university degree; however, personal wise I do respect Erdogan, but I do not think he has the required qualifications to be the president. 

I think Erdogan is now following the steps of the worst dictators the history have known. 

What the Turkish people can do regarding the state of repression it faces.. And do you think Erdogan can be sued internationally? 

It seems that there is no one left to say “enough” to Erdogan, most of the people who tried to stop him before are now in jail, and if the opposition can’t find a way to defend the civilian and constitutional rights then it’s completely useless. Some of them used to ignore the regime injustice just because they weren’t targeted by its actions, but they didn’t know that it will get to them one day as well, as for the Turkish people have many different ways to express their anger and abjection in peaceful ways. 

Some of the Arab countries decided to cut its diplomatic relations with Qatar, how do you see the Qatari-Turkish relations now, and what do you think of the establishment of a Turkish military base in Qatar? 

Excuse me, but I do not want to talk about issues could be related to other countries political affairs; however, I never been convinced that Erdogan is really confronting ISIS. From a way I think he is pretending to help the international coalition to confront ISIS, but from another he is financing the terrorist groups in north Syria. 


ISIS militants are being treated in the Turkish hospitals, to be released later without any interrogation or investigation. Most of the media outlets know that already but I think that the United States and the European Union do not want to take serious actions against turkey for many reasons including Turkey’s strategic location and the Syrian refugees’ issue. 

I also think that the turkey regime is trying to blackmail Egypt and intervene in its affairs through using Muslim brotherhood. 

How far you think Hizmet movement has been oppressed by Erdogan regime?

They shut all the organizations affiliated to the movement inside Turkey, dismissed more than 120,000 employees, and jailed about other 50.000. All of those did nothing but being members of a political party. 

Do you expect the coup attempt to be repeated anytime soon against Erdogan? 

Regardless that the 15 July attempt was not a ‘real coup’, I do not think that any military movement could talk place against the current government. Despite all the aggressive actions they used against the opposition, I don’t second any non-democratic way of ending the Erdogan rule. 


Earlier, Erdogan accused you of being ‘hypocrite’ and terrorism supporter.., what do you think of that? 


Until December 25, 2013, my relation with Erdogan was great, we used to meet and talk; however, I cannot understand what happened after that date made the Turkish government very angry with me. 

All of this started when Erdogan government’s members were accused of being involved in corruption cases, the following day Erdogan’s perspective towards Hizmet movement was changed, although all of our activities remained the same. The only one who should be asked about all of these accusations is Erdogan. Still however, we hope that he returns to the right democratic track he used to take during the first years of his rule. 


Some of the Turkish people organized a protest in front of the white House demanding your extradition to their government. Who do you think is financing and supporting these demonstrations, and how far you think you are secured and protected by the American administration? 

Most of the demonstrations organized in the United States are usually against the current Turkish regime and the justice and development party; however, there are some organizations with very good relation with the Turkey-ruler political party inside the U.S., and there are very high expectations that they are getting financial aid and support from the Turkish government. 

I live in the United States for nearly twenty years, so I can say that the American government provides security for all its citizens and visitors without any discrimination. I am sure that the officials here are extremely aware of the situation my political movement and I are facing and that they have the potentials and ability to handle the situation. 


Since when you are away from your home, and do you still want to go back to Turkey? 

I miss my homeland, and wish I can go back to the place I love, but I don’t want this visit to cause other problems of any kind, as I will not be able to go back as long as the current regime is ruling. 


Do you have anything you want to say to the Arab and Turkish people? 

There are too many things in common between the Arab and Turkey people. We could have used these things in common; however, we are living very hard days. From one side we have these terrorist and armed groups which distort Islam all around the world, and from the other side we have regimes knows how to get benefits from the existence of these groups and don’t think of anything but its own interest. 

I ask all of the Muslims everywhere to pray to God for our salvation.

Fethullah Gulen's Interview with Politico: ‘I don’t have any regrets’

By Nahal Toosi on 9/9/16 POLITICO

Fethullah Gülen, the Muslim cleric that the Turkish government blames for the recent attempted coup, has long been reclusive, rarely granting interviews. But in the wake of the accusations against him, he’s sought to clear his name.

Other op-eds and articles by Fethullah Gulen here

Gülen recently agreed to answer a handful of written questions from POLITICO. The exchange is here in full:

You insist your movement is peaceful, not political. But multiple sources tell me that Hizmet has a dark side — where individuals are carefully groomed to enter government and related professions with the intent of an ultimate takeover. Is this true? If not, is it possible that these sorts of activities are happening without your knowledge?
I have served as a preacher for nearly 30 years before coming to the U.S. and my friends continued to publish my talks after I settled here. There are over 70 books based on my articles and talks. It is natural that in Turkish government there are people who share some of my views just as there are those who don’t share them.
My teaching has always been to act within [the] law and in an ethical way. If anybody who follows my works acts illegally or unethically, or if they disobey the lawful orders of their superiors, that is a betrayal of my teachings and I fully support their being investigated and facing the consequences.
If there is no discrimination, government institutions reflect the colors and patterns of its society. We know that in Turkish government institutions there are people of various political and religious orientations, such as nationalists, neonationalists, Maoists, Kemalists, Alevis, leftists, sympathizers of Sufi orders and others. For decades, none of these groups could be transparent about their identities except the Kemalists because of political profiling and discrimination. And now, loyalty to Erdoğan is replacing loyalty to Ataturk as the criteria for acceptable identity.
It is the constitutional right of every Turkish citizen to serve in their government institutions if they are qualified to do so. To accuse anybody of having a nefarious goal without evidence is slander. If people are afraid to reveal their identity for fear of reprisals, it is the regime’s problem, not theirs.
As far as my discourse is concerned, I have never advocated for regime change in Turkey. To the contrary, 22 years ago, in 1994, I told publicly that there will be no return from democracy in Turkey or elsewhere in the world. This was both a prediction and a commitment to democracy. Publications who are allied with President Erdoğan now, criticized me severely then, nearly calling me an infidel. When the military was dominating the domestic politics during the late 1990s and early 2000s, I was charged in Turkish courts … but not a single piece of evidence could be brought to show that I supported any other regime but democracy.

What do you think the future holds for your movement in the wake of the attempted coup in Turkey and Turkish leaders’ demonization of your organization?
President Erdoğan appears determined to wipe all the institutions set up by Hizmet participants and prevent any future attempts to establish any new institutions. This is contrary to [the] Turkish constitution and all the international agreements Turkey is a party to. But unless world leaders take a stance with effective measures against this witch hunt, there is no internal dynamic in Turkey to stop the president.
Our friends have so far defended their rights through peaceful protests and in Turkish courts. Now even law offices are being raided and lawyers are being detained. People’s right to defend themselves in the court of law is taken away from them. [The] Erdoğan government is doing everything to push these people to violence. But so far they resisted and remained peaceful and I am confident that they will remain so. Some Hizmet participants have left the country to seek opportunities for investment or for professional work abroad.
This is a sad loss for Turkey but it is the only choice for some people. Private properties worth hundreds of millions of dollars have been confiscated. I hope and pray that this madness will not last for long.

If the U.S. government decides to extradite you to Turkey, will you agree to the decision?
The U.S. government has a long history of upholding the rule of law and respecting freedoms. Because of this, they have a respectable reputation around the world. I don’t consider it likely that they will abandon this tradition and undermine their reputation simply because President Erdoğan is so adamant about this issue. In the unlikely event that the extradition matter is decided on political grounds, I have already stated that they don’t need to force me out of the country, I will buy my own ticket and go on my own will without blinking an eye.

I am not worried about myself but I am worried about President Erdoğan’s insistence jeopardizing Turkey’s relationship with the U.S. and NATO. Both the U.S. and NATO played crucial roles in transforming Turkey from a single party regime to an imperfect democracy. If Turkey’s relationship with the U.S. and NATO are harmed, I don’t think it will benefit Turkish democracy in any way.

Is it true that you and President Erdoğan were once friends and allies? If so, what caused the tensions between you that have led to this situation today?
Many observers called our relationship an alliance but in truth, we were never very close. I met him two or three times, all before he ran for elections. When his party ran for elections I was already here, so I could not vote anyway, but Hizmet sympathizers supported his party through their votes and their voices in the media.
The reason for this support is not complicated. In going into elections in 2002 they [Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party] promised moving Turkey forward in its bid for EU membership by implementing democratic reforms; enhancing human rights and freedoms; better integrating Turkey with the world; ending public corruption, and government’s political profiling of people and their discriminatory measures. I and my friends supported them for these promises.
Leading into elections in 2011, they promised a democratic constitution that would be drafted by civilians without fear of military generals. But after winning that election they began to reverse every democratic reform they implemented before. The democratic constitution was first conditioned upon the inclusion of executive presidency and then completely forgotten.
In the past, I did support the idea of a presidential system if it is to be modeled after the U.S. or France or other countries where there are checks and balances against the president. But Mr Erdoğan’s proposal was akin to a sultan regime. I could not support such a system with a clear conscience.
Mr Erdoğan put pressure on me and Hizmet sympathizers to publicly support his idea of a presidential system. He increased the pressure by supporting government-funded alternatives to Hizmet institutions and then began threatening to close them down. If we complied with his demand and became loyalists, we would be enjoying the Turkish government’s favors now. But we declined and we have been facing their wrath for the last three years.
This might be called the price of independence. It is a heavy price indeed but I don’t have any regrets and I don’t believe any of my friends have any regrets. My only sorrow is that the country continues to suffer because nobody can stand against his uninhibited ambitions.

If you had the opportunity to speak to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and U.S. President Barack Obama now, what would you say to them?
I don’t think President Erdoğan would consider it worthwhile to speak with me. In the past, I made efforts to reach out to them via letters on the government’s profiling and discrimination, or on the issue of how to address the plight of Kurdish citizens. But none of those attempts were taken seriously. Now, I just pray that God gives him prudence so that he doesn’t jeopardize the future of this great nation.
I witnessed President Obama’s efforts to maintain the relationship with Turkey despite the challenges of dealing with an authoritarian leader. The U.S -Turkish relationship is very important for both countries but more vital for Turkey. I would be sad to see this relationship deteriorate. At the same time, President Erdoğan’s domestic actions are undermining core democratic values of U.S. and NATO.
I am worried that while trying to maintain the relationship, the ground on which this relationship is built upon is shifting. According to the media reports that I see, violent radical groups like ISIS are getting tacit support within Turkey, the handling of security concerns regarding the PKK [the Kurdistan Workers’ Party] is causing civilian casualties and suffering among Kurdish citizens and President Erdoğan’s ambitions to become a national hero is threatening to further destabilize the region. There is growing anti-Americanism and the media under President Erdoğan’s control is playing a leading role in this.
How to keep the relationship alive while preventing Turkey from turning into another Middle Eastern authoritarian regime is a very sensitive task and I hope that the president’s capable team of experts will lead him in the right direction in managing this challenge.


Source: http://www.politico.eu/article/fethullah-gulen-full-interview-politico-turkey-coup-erdogan/

Fethullah Gulen's op-ed in WSJ: Muslims must combat the extremist cancer

As the group that calls itself Islamic State, known as ISIS, continues to produce carnage in the Middle East, Muslims must confront the totalitarian ideology that animates it and other terrorist groups. Every terrorist act carried out in the name of Islam profoundly affects all Muslims, alienating them from fellow citizens and deepening the misperceptions about their faith’s ethos.

Other op-eds and articles by Fethullah Gulen here

It isn’t fair to blame Islam for the atrocities of violent radicals. But when terrorists claim the Muslim mantle, then they bear this identity, if only nominally. Thus members of the faith must do whatever possible to prevent this cancer from metastasizing in our communities. If we don’t, we’ll be partly responsible for the smeared image of our faith.

[Read more Gulen interviews and op-eds here - including New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, BBC, Politico, Asharq Al-Awsat, Le Monde, Reuters and many more ]

First, we must denounce violence and not fall prey to victimhood. Having suffered oppression is no excuse for causing it or for failing to condemn terrorism. That the terrorists are committing grave sins in the name of Islam is not merely my opinion; it is the inevitable conclusion of an honest reading of primary sources: the Quran and the accounts of the life of Prophet Muhammad. The core principles of these sources—relayed over the centuries by scholars who devoted themselves to studying the Prophet’s sayings and practices, and to the “author’s intent” in the Holy Book—dispels any claims terrorists make of religious justification.

Second, it is important to promote a holistic understanding of Islam, as the flexibility to accommodate the diverse backgrounds of its adherents can sometimes be abused. Islam’s core ethics, however, are not left to interpretation. One such principle is that taking the life of a single innocent is a crime against all humanity (Quran 5:32). Even in an act of defense in war, violence against any noncombatants, especially women, children and clergy, is specifically prohibited by the Prophet’s teachings.

We must demonstrate these values by showing solidarity with people who seek peace around the world. Given the nature of human psychology and the dynamics of the news, it’s obvious that mainstream voices are less likely to capture headlines than extremist ones. But instead of blaming the media, we should find innovative ways to ensure our voices are heard.

Third, Muslims must publicly promote human rights—dignity, life and liberty. These are the most basic of Islamic values and no individual, nor any political or religious leader, has the authority to snatch them away. Living the essence of our faith means respecting diversity—cultural, social, religious and political. God identifies learning from one another as the primary goal of diversity (Quran 49:13). Respecting each human being as a creation of God (17:70) is respecting God.

Fourth, Muslims must provide educational opportunities to every member of their communities, where the study of sciences, humanities and arts is embedded in a culture of respect for every living being. Governments in the Muslim world must design school curricula that nurture democratic values. Civil society has a role in promoting respect and acceptance. This is the reason participants of the Hizmet movement have set up more than 1,000 schools, tutoring centers and dialogue institutions in more than 150 countries.

Fifth, providing religious education to Muslims is critical to depriving extremists of a tool that they use to spread their twisted ideologies. When religious freedom is denied, as it has been for decades in parts of the Muslim world, faith grows in the shadows, leaving it to be interpreted by unqualified and radical figures.

Finally, it is imperative that Muslims support equal rights for women and men. Women should be given opportunity and be free from social pressures that deny their equality. Muslims have a great example in Prophet Muhammad’s wife Aisha, a highly educated scholar, teacher and prominent community leader of her time.

Terrorism is a multifaceted problem, so the solutions should address the political, economic, social and religious layers. Approaches that reduce the problem to religion do a disservice to at-risk youth and the world at large. The international community would do well to realize that Muslims are the primary victims of terrorism—both literally and symbolically—and they can help marginalize terrorists and prevent recruitment. That’s why governments should avoid statements and actions that result in the alienation of Muslims.

Violent extremism has no religion; there will always be people who manipulate faith texts. Just as Christians do not endorse Quran burnings or the actions of the Ku Klux Klan, and Buddhists do not endorse atrocities against Rohingya Muslims, mainstream Muslims do not endorse violence.

Muslims have historically added much to the flourishing of human civilization. Our greatest contributions were made in eras when the faith cherished mutual respect, freedom and justice. It may be immensely difficult to restore the blotted image of Islam, but Muslims can be beacons of peace and tranquility in their societies.

Mr. Gulen is an Islamic scholar and founder of the Hizmet civil-society movement.


SOURCE: http://www.wsj.com/articles/muslims-must-combat-the-extremist-cancer-1440718377

NEW BOOK: Renewing Islam by Service, Pim Valkenberg, Catholic University of America

Renewing Islam by Service offers a theological account of the contemporary Turkish faith-based service movement started by Fethullah Gülen, and placed against the backdrop of changes in modern Turkish society. The life and works of Gülen are analyzed against the background of developments in Turkish society, and of spiritual Islamic tendencies in the transition from the Ottoman empire to the secular republic. Pim Valkenberg includes stories of his personal experiences with supporters of this movement, in a number of different countries, and analyzes the spiritual practices and the faith-based service of this movement that is also compared to some important Christian religious movements.

Available for purchase here.

Fethullah Gülen (born 1941 in Erzurum) is sometimes mentioned as one of the most influential Islamic scholars of the twenty-first century. During his work as a scholar-preacher in Izmir in the 1970s he started to provide learning opportunities for his students. He attracted many supporters and inspired them to form communities that put their Islamic faith into practice by serving others. When the political and economic situation of the Turkish republic improved, Gülen and the Hizmet (service) Movement began to take initiatives in order to overcome ignorance, disunity and poverty.

At the beginning of the 21­st century the Hizmet Movement ormed one of the most influential networks of Muslims, not only in Turkey but in Europe and the United States as well. Gulen now lives in the United States where he still inspires many groups to engage in dialogue initiatives, excellent schools, public media and service organizatons. However, these initiatives are often met with suspicion by a number of different groups - secularists as well as radical Muslims. While the Hizmet Movement has thus far mainly been studied from a social scientific perspective, this book claims that Gulen and the Hizmet can best be understood by researching the religious drive that empowers them. Since this book has been written by a Christian theologian, this is done in a comparative theological approach that not only shows how Gulen and the Hizmet Movement renew Islam by service, but also how Christians can be inspired by such a religious renewal movement.

NEW REPORT - Turkey’s Kurdish Question and the Hizmet Movement

The Kurdish question is one of the major issues that have dominated the Turkish political landscape. In the aftermath of the corruption scandal in December 2013, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Justice and Development party (AKP) officials have frequently accused the Hizmet movement of impeding the negotiations between the government and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). A new report by Washington DC based Rethink Institute attempts to provide an overview and assessment of where Hizmet stands on the Kurdish issue.

Download the report here

Thought & Practice Series: Gülen on Dialogue

This publication is about the thought and practice espoused and practised by Fethullah Gülen and the Hizmet movement. Fethullah Gülen is one of the most important Muslim scholars of our time for whom dialogue is not just about overcoming problems of the globalising world but is necessitated by the essence of humanity and the spirit and teachings of Islam. Therefore, dialogue is an ever-present and underlying theme for Gülen in addition to being a particular area of thought and practice that he seeks to promote and develop. What is significant about Gülen, however, is that he is not just a scholar and thinker but also a doer who has inspired millions to think and act alongside him in what has now emerged as a civil society movement known as the Hizmet movement.

This publication provides a short biography of Gülen’s life in relation to his dialogue efforts and then goes on to study the main features and characteristics of his dialogue thought such as: love, tolerance, empathetic acceptance, positive action, and humility. It then explores how Gülen’s notion of dialogue, dialogically developed and practised by the Hizmet movement, is now being put into practice in different parts of the world. The section on practice concludes with a list of the twelve ‘dialogue principles’ extrapolated from Gülen’s teachings and the Hizmet movement’s practice.

Source: Center for Hizmet Studies

MEDIA: Fethullah Gulen addresses UN Peace Summit

By Selcuk Gultasli at Today's Zaman

The Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV), the Swiss Dialogue Institute and the University of Geneva jointly organized a peace summit titled “Mobilizing Civil Society for Building Peace” at the UN Center in Geneva on October 24. Gulen inaugurated the conference, which was held in the building where 70 percent of the UN's activities are held, where more than 9,500 UN staff work and 176 out of 193 UN members are represented by ambassadors. Gulen was not there physically, but the hall was packed when his message was read aloud by German historian and journalist Jochen Thies.

The event attracted a great deal of attention, as evidenced by the participation of renowned individuals, including Hassan al-Benna's grandson Tariq Ramadan; Ela Gandhi, the granddaughter of Mahatma Gandhi, whose statue stands in the garden of the UN Center; and Gunnar Johan Stalsett, from the Norwegian Nobel Committee. A total of 800 renowned figures from 50 countries participated in this gathering.... (continued)

Read FULL ARTICLE

MEDIA: Why Gülen is indignant about corruption

ABDULLAH BOZKURT

SEE ALSO: Gulen in the Western media

One of the main reasons why Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen has been so disturbed by the massive graft scandal that was exposed during then-Prime Minister and now President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's regime is that he saw that his lifetime ideal of fostering greater connectivity among key areas of the country such as education, business and culture in order to contribute to the social, human and economic development of his nation had been severely undermined.

Born into a poor family in one of the less developed parts of Turkey, Gülen has long dreamt of seeing the impoverished eastern and southern regions of the country developed with trade, investment and improvement in educational and technological infrastructure. This has been dealt a huge blow because of endemic corruption, misuse of funds and patronage that has left millions in poverty; harmed the trust between citizens and the government; and in turn led to political instability, inefficient public services and even a surge in terrorism. The big dragnet set up by the crooks has drained the precious energy Turkey has in order to cope with immediate challenges. It has hampered the efforts of Gülen, who, through his numerous writings and speeches, inculcated the importance of modern education for the young generation and urged his followers to reach out and embrace all through intercultural and interfaith dialogue activities.

When Erdoğan deliberately relegated his understanding of democracy to merely winning the ballot box during elections, he made it clear that he wants neither political accountability for things that may go wrong during his rule nor the participation of civil society as a major stakeholder in the governance of the country. When he calls the Gülen-inspired social movement called Hizmet a "parallel structure," Erdoğan in effect complains about "institutional restraints” being placed on the government by a major civil society group that would otherwise be welcomed and encouraged in any normally functioning democracy.

Capitalizing on the new-found scapegoat right after the corruption exposé, Erdoğan broadened the definition of "enemy of the state" to include judges, police investigators, businesses, media, national political parties and even Turkey's foreign allies and partners.

That is why the corruption in the Erdoğan regime has now resulted in the flagrant human rights violations that we all are witnessing and experiencing in today's Turkey. The policies employed by Erdoğan and company in the government have effectively disrupted citizens' lives by provoking fears of a witch hunt among the population. The growing concern about media freedom in Turkey is just one of the indications of how corruption has shaken fundamental freedoms. If that cancer spreads to the judiciary as Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu's government tried to do with offerings such as a pay rise and government perks on the eve of critical judicial council elections, this will have a very serious impact on the judicial system, which may very well paralyze the whole Turkish democracy in the end.

In addition to the voluntary education drive that focuses on science and mathematics as well as moral values in order to lift people out of poverty, another tool Mr. Gülen has been advocating throughout his life is to institute open trade among nations as a way to not only develop economies, but also to increase interaction among them. Gülen believes that one can build to promote intercultural and interfaith dialogue in a much freer and effective way if trade, investment and business linkages are strong. Inspired by Gülen's teachings, thousands of Turkish businesspeople came together and set up the Turkish Confederation of Businessmen and Industrialists (TUSKON), the largest and one of the most influential trade advocacy groups in Turkey.

Since corruption destroys the level playing field by raising barriers for both national and foreign companies and undermines the development of a fair and competitive market economy, law-abiding businesspeople like TUSKON members will be at a disadvantage against pro-Erdoğan businesses, which enjoy advantages in terms of obtaining public procurement contracts and receiving preferential access to public services in exchange for the payment of kickbacks and bribery.

Adding insult to injury, TUSKON as well as members of the Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen's Association (TÜSİAD), the wealthiest business club in Turkey, have been unfairly targeted with government audits and reviews of licenses and permits and subjected to heavy fines. On top of that, Gülen's interaction with leading TUSKON and TÜSİAD members as part of his ideal to use trade as an intercultural bridge has been publicly demonized by Erdoğan, who sticks to a long-running hateful discourse to divide the nation.

Therefore, Gülen believes both education and trade will contribute greatly to economic growth both in Turkey and in its partner countries, providing more equitable income distribution, improved government services and increased public trust in government. Considering that the corruption negatively affects education, it does have a domino impact on every aspect of citizens' lives, from access to the labor market to improved social and economic status.

Moreover, Gülen underlines that education is key for social cohesion in Turkish society, preventing people from falling into traps of radical ideologies on the extreme left and extreme right. He thinks the right education rather than political Islamist discourse will maintain the strong culture of tolerance and diversity found in Turkish history. In the end, Gülen thinks Islam's true and peaceful face can only prevail in stable and conflict-free environments that are no longer plagued by corruption.

Another important rule in Gülen's teachings is the focus on decentralization, which is also an important tool in the battle against corruption. It is acknowledged that decentralization has often proven to be instrumental in reducing corruption in government, especially in a large country like Turkey with a population of 77 million.

Provided that the capacity for governance, effectiveness, human resources and accountability are strong in local governments, decentralization is often a suggested method to improve the governance of the country with less graft activity. It is quite telling that the corruption scandal revealed the reasons why Erdoğan usurped so many powers of local government in leasing and selling public land and buildings starting in 2011. That is how Erdoğan's loyalists have started getting kickbacks from the sale of public properties that used to be managed by local officials.

As part of the decentralization, Gülen often talks at length urging his followers to go through an in-depth consultation process and reaching out to all stakeholders before starting to implement a policy decision. He says this is the way of the Islamic Prophet. In fact, Gülen himself leads by setting an example on decentralization. For example, Hizmet and Hizmet-affiliated institutions may have been inspired by Gülen, but none of them are governed by Gülen or his close advisers. They are all professionally managed with their own independent boards that are accountable to shareholders. They are completely transparent in terms of subjecting themselves to rigorous government laws, regulations and regular reviews. From banking to media outlets, from social charity groups to thousands of schools, none of them has had any interference by Gülen. If these institutions are outside of Turkey, the same principle follows. They have to respect the law of the land in any given country.

Unfortunately, by invoking the fallacy of "guilt by association," Erdoğan has declared a total war on all these companies, institutions and groups that may be considered to be sympathetic towards Gülen, who suddenly turned out to be the number-one enemy of Erdoğan because of his criticism about corruption and mismanagement. This misplaced battle has in the first place damaged Turkish economic and social structures, but Erdoğan does not seem to care about that at all because his priority is to survive personal legal troubles emanating from the corruption that incriminated him, his family members and close associates.

Erdoğan erroneously believes that as long as he keeps demonizing Hizmet and shifting the blame for his personal problems on members of Hizmet, he will be able to survive politically forever.

No doubt Gülen, a deeply religious person, is also troubled by the moral and religious implications of corruption as well. As a leading Islamic scholar, he witnessed how political Islamists have abused entrusted power by citizens of Turkey and exploited religious sensitivities of people for personal gains. This hurts the religion of Islam first and foremost, Gülen believes. The failed political Islamist experiment in Turkey has also spoiled the national education systen with ill-advised engineering from Erdoğan, who wants to raise a new breed of political Islamists to fuel his political campaigns. Gülen is considerably upset because education, the only way to transition Turkey into the broader world, has been squandered for petty politics and personal interests.

Therefore, fighting corruption and standing firm against intimidation and scaremongering tactics by Erdoğan is also a moral imperative for Mr. Gülen before anything else.


SOURCE: http://www.todayszaman.com/columnists/columnist/abdullah-bozkurt/why-gulen-is-indignant-about-corruption_360189.html


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Fethullah Gulen's statement on ISIS/ISIL appears in Huffington Post sections of 'Turkey' and 'Media'

Fethullah Gulen, a world renowned scholar, preacher and social advocate published his message of condemnation in today's New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, LA Times and Chicago Tribune. Fethullah Gulen is the Honorary President of Washington, D.C. based Rumi Forum.

Read more:

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Fethullah Gulen's Interview with Today's Zaman [Part 5]

Gülen says ballot box is not everything in a democracy

Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen, who has inspired the popular civic and social movement called Hizmet, said the ballot box is not everything, urging his followers to not stick to only one but to cast their votes freely based on their personal conviction.

“Of course the ballot box holds a crucial importance for the future of this country; but it is not everything,” he said, adding that focusing on the ballot box only makes some people comfortable in telling lies.

As for the question on which party he would support, Gülen said he has always asked his friends to cast their votes based on their personal conviction. “I believe that asking them to vote for a certain party is a type of pressure; in addition, I also consider engagement with a certain party isolation from other segments of society,” he explained.

Gülen signaled, however, that his supporters would not be voting for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party), whose chairman, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, constantly throws around insults.

“If a person internalizes and acknowledges such grave accusations and insults, he or she may still vote for that party; but I believe that these remarks which would be hurtful to anybody have also been hurtful to our friends,” Gülen noted.

He cautioned, however, that the candidates are more important than the parties in local elections and as such some of his supporters may see some AK Party candidates deserving their support.
“Whatever party you vote for, you will not have committed a sin,” Gülen remarked.

Commenting on speculations over whether he will return to Turkey, Gülen said he will decide about whether or not to return to Turkey after consulting with friends he trusts. He signaled that the threat for him is not over in Turkey, saying that “those who aspire to seize power despotically upon growing stronger and to never abandon it start to see as a danger those who don't nurture aspirations for power.”

“They try to portray these people as a threat to the state, but they essentially perceive them as a threat to their plans,” he underlined.

Drawing lessons from the past during which important figures suffered and were prosecuted and persecuted, Gülen said troubles are only temporary and asked his supporters to remain patient.
As for the exit strategy from the current turmoil Turkey has been experiencing, the Islamic scholar advised that the country needs a new climate.

“A new constitution is a must to guarantee fundamental rights and freedoms. I believe there should be growing popular demand and pressure on the relevant figures and institutions so that they will make a democratic constitution based on the recognition of universal legal principles,” he explained.
Gülen also warned that “a Turkey which moves away from its own values and people will also move away from the world.”

Here are excerpts from the interview:

Only days are left until the elections. There are debates on what party the movement will support.
I cannot see it as proper for Muslims to talk about this all the time and think that the ballot box is the real meaning of life. Of course the ballot box holds a crucial importance for the future of this country; but it is not everything. It is impossible not to become upset realizing that focusing on the ballot box only makes some people comfortable in telling lies. As for the debate on who we should vote for, I have always asked my friends to cast their votes based on their personal conviction. I believe that asking them to vote for a certain party is a type of pressure; in addition, I also consider engagement with a certain party isolation from other segments of society. Our clear and plain stance in the referendum was not for a certain party; it was for the introduction of democratic steps. It appears that this stance is not being appreciated.

There is now a party chairman who constantly throws around insults. And, unfortunately, the wise men of that party prefer deep silence. With the exception of strong partisans, I have frequently noticed that the AK Party support base is upset with this. If a person internalizes and acknowledges such grave accusations and insults, he or she may still vote for that party; but I believe that these remarks which would be hurtful to anybody have also been hurtful to our friends. Everyone will consider their own situation and analyze the mayoral candidates. In the end, this is not a general election. The candidates are more important than the parties; there are many valuable candidates in all parties. Whatever party you vote for, you will not have committed a sin.

Speculations abound regarding your stay in the US and about whether you will return to Turkey. Can you comment on this matter?
I wanted to think well of those who had asked me to return. Similar calls had previously been made. Regarding these calls, I could sense the real intention. But I continue to stick to courtesy and a positive attitude toward believers. First and foremost, I am just a believer among many believers. I have always kept my feet on the ground. This is the way I have lived my life. In my opinion, the highest station one can attain is to be a true servant of God. It is my wish to die in this station. I have no connection or ties to any external power, force or group. Such a thing is out of question. Those caught in the web of external powers, forces or groups are those who run after prosperity, power and other worldly stations or posts. Unfortunately, those who aspire to seize power despotically upon growing stronger and to never abandon it start to see as a danger those who don't nurture aspirations for power and who even specifically refrain from such pursuits with a focus on how to attain God's contentment and His bliss in the Hereafter. They try to portray these people as a threat to the state, but they essentially perceive them as a threat to their plans.

Even in the most underdeveloped societies, people are tried for their words and acts and verdicts are passed about them based on what they say or do. People and authorities know and have observed my acts and words for the last 50 years. Is it possible for a person who has a secret agenda to conceal this agenda for 50 years?

I will decide about whether or not to return to Turkey not based on the convictions of some people but after consulting with friends whose intentions I find considerably sincere. As I said before, if I return, I will return not as someone else but as I am -- as the son of Ramiz Efendi who served as the imam of the Üç Şerefeli Cami [mosque].

You have for some time now stopped delivering sermons over the Internet. Those affiliated with the movement wonder about your sentiments under such strong pressure and insults. Is there anything you would like to tell them?
We have to remain patient in the face of what is happening to us. We should never abandon our lenient and decent style. People have suffered from different problems in different periods. Important figures such as Imam Rabbani, Hasan al-Shadhili and Mawlana Baghdadi have suffered. The brutality and persecution Bediüzzaman was subjected to should be remembered. He was subjected to all sorts of brutality. We are not comparable to these remarkable people. But if this is their case and this is their method, then we need to be willing to take all sorts of sufferings. We should not resent. We need to pray to God all the time and tell Him, “We are content with God as our Lord, and with Islam as our religion, and with Muhammad, peace and blessings be upon him, as our Prophet.” We should never feel offended by the way He treats us. We should always be content with Him.

Troubles are temporary. If our communication and relationship with God is perfect, we will secure our afterlife even when we experience huge troubles. If they do not seek worldly advantages and assets, those who dedicate themselves to this cause will have eternal gains in the afterlife. Everybody should stay where they are. Depending on the circumstances and the conjuncture, different options should be tried to reach the destination even if they block the main road and options. That destination is universal human values. These people I referred to above were never pessimistic; so we should be like them. We should keep our hopes high. “Hopelessness is such a quagmire that if you fall into it, you will drown; but if you grab on to your resolution, you will be saved.” This is what Mehmet Akif [a renowned Turkish poet] says about hopelessness. We believe that this bleak weather and climate will eventually disappear. We have always held this hope.

You also referred to what I have been subjected to so far. I did not complete my military service when the May 27 [1960] coup was staged. I was persecuted then. I was persecuted in the March 12 [1971] coup. I had to run away like a bandit for six years during the Sept. 12 [1980] coup. Former President Turgut Özal exerted his authority at a time when he was feeling strong; so they left me alone. But this was not the end. I traveled to Mecca to perform the Hajj. Things were unpleasant for me once again. I gave a statement at a state security court. The legal case Prosecutor Nuh Mete Yüksel filed in the aftermath of Feb. 28 [the 1997 coup] lasted for years. Despite the denigration I was subjected to in that case, the chief prosecutor here in New Jersey showed me respect. He welcomed me at the door [to the building]. He helped me to the [witness] chair himself so that I could sit down. He then washed his own glass, filled it with water and offered it to me, telling me that my mouth may go dry given that I was testifying. I experienced this here. He did not know me at all. Then we discussed as to whether we should send him a gift for this gentle treatment. When I presented him a gift, he said he could not accept a gift from a person whose legal case he had handled. I said to myself that these people still survive despite all negative developments thanks to this legal philosophy. Because of this legal understanding, they still play an influential role in world politics.

I should also tell you that I was imprisoned during my military service because I was delivering sermons. A commander who was protecting me allowed me to deliver sermons, which he also attended. As he was preparing to leave our unit, he hugged me in tears and said I would face repression after he goes. And what he said came to be. They sent me to prison. I have also been subjected to different types of persecution and repression at different times. However, the things I am experiencing now are not comparable to what I experienced in the past. The lies, insults and denigrating remarks… But everyone reflects their own character in their attitudes and remarks. In the end, we cannot say anything to anybody.

---

A new constitution needed to exit from turmoil

Turkey is going through hard times. Sometimes people become pessimistic because of the ongoing turmoil. How, in your opinion, can Turkey get out of this atmosphere?
Above all, I should stress that in such times it is strongly necessary to pray to God and seek refuge in His mercy. We should be worried about the fate of those who are not worried about their fate. Those who feel content all the time and hold doubts about the faith of others will face a great danger from the religious perspective. ‘Umar [the second caliph] was concerned about his fate [despite being one of the 10 people who have been promised Paradise]. And so we should be worried about our fate. We need to seek refuge in His mercy and protection. We need to say, “O God, hold my hand. For if You do not, I will be doomed.” Like individuals, faith and submission are sanctuaries for communities as well. Those who do not seek refuge in this sanctuary may be crushed under their ego. May God protect us from this.

This is one side of the coin. The other side is as follows: In order to overcome the current turmoil, this country needs a new climate. A new constitution is a must to guarantee fundamental rights and freedoms. I believe there should be growing popular demand and pressure on the relevant figures and institutions so that they will make a democratic constitution based on the recognition of universal legal principles. Many intellectuals offer similar analyses. A Turkey which moves away from its own values and people will also move away from the world.

Today, individuals and societies have greater importance than their states. It is impossible to implement a project that is imposed on the people. At the beginning of this century, Bediüzzaman said predominance over the civilized is possible through persuasion, not coercion. Therefore, repression of people will not remain the same all the time. They cannot be permanent. We have to approach the events and developments via patience, prudence and caution. If you approach the developments via the patience and submission they deserve and deal with them as such, reason will dominate eventually. And when this happens, those who had engaged in sin before will feel embarrassed; and you open up your hearts noting that this is not a day of condemnation and making sure that they do not feel this way.
This has been the case throughout history. If you are traveling in the opposite direction when people are moving away from you; the distance between you becomes larger. And the day you need union and cooperation you will realize that you have made a mistake. You realize this but it is too late. We need to think about nothing but committing ourselves to our service and duties. This is my humble opinion on this matter.

Source

 

Hizmet Essay Contest 2014 - open to all US university students

The Hizmet Movement and Solutions to Today’s Problems

The Hizmet Essay Contest is a contest series that encourages research on the Hizmet movement and Fethullah Gulen. The contest aims to motivate individuals to research the works of Fethullah Gulen and the activities of various Hizmet institutions locally and globally, with the purpose of addressing how the Hizmet movement contributes to the individual, the community, society and the world in general.

The Hizmet movement, which derives its name from the word “service”, has established hundreds of educational and civic service organizations and institutions in over 140 countries, active in the areas of peacebuilding, conflict resolution, intercultural-interfaith dialogue, education, media and relief work. These organizations and institutions engage in various initiatives that foster inclusiveness, build community capacity, and create shared spaces.

Topic

The theme of this year’s essay contest is:

“The Hizmet Movement and Solutions to Today’s Problems”

The contestants are asked to evaluate the societal impact of the activities of the Hizmet movement and the ideas of Fethullah Gulen in solving the societal problems at the local, national or international levels.

Essayists are encouraged to focus on the following two topic areas:

1. Specific Focus: How activities of the Hizmet movement, in areas of peacebuilding; interfaith and intercultural dialogue; education; relief work; and other initiatives of Hizmet movement organizations and institutions in different parts of the world such as United States, Turkey, the Balkans, Central Asia, Middle East, Africa and Australia, contribute to the improvement of these societies.

2. Conceptual focus: How teachings and writings of Fethullah Gulen lay the foundation of the Hizmet Movement’s initiatives and hence contribute to producing solutions to societal issues.


Rules

*Essays must be no fewer than 3000, and no more than 4000, words in length. (Citations and bibliography are not included in the word count).

*The essays must be double spaced.

*One entry per person. Essays must be submitted by August 31st, 2014, no later than11:59 PM, Eastern Standard Time. The Rumi Forum has the right to change the contest deadline when deemed appropriate.

*Essays must be the original work of entrant and must be owned by entrant. Plagiarism will result in disqualification. Essays must not infringe on any third party rights or intellectual property of any person, company, or organization. By submitting an essay to this Contest, the entrant agrees to indemnify the Rumi Forum for any claim, demand, judgment, or other allegation arising from possible violation of someone’s trademark, copyright, or other legally protected interest in any way in the entrant’s essay.

* All submitted essays will become the property of the Rumi Forum.

* Awardees will be notified via e-mail by September 30th, 2014. The Rumi Forum reserves the right to change the notification date.

Eligibility

*Entrants must be enrolled in an undergraduate or graduate program that awards Bachelor's, Master's, or Doctoral Degrees. Both full-time and part-time students may apply.

*Open only to US Citizens and lawful residents of the US.

*We encourage students of all backgrounds and ability to participate in this contest.

Awards

There will be 2 student categories:

Undergraduate prize: $1500

Graduate prize: $2000



Registration

Please register your interest via the link below. Further details and updates will be sent to those registered. Registration is important and should be considered the first step. There is no fee or cost to register or submit an essay.

Register Here


For queries please email info@rumiforum.org with “Hizmet Essay Competition” in the SUBJECT line.

SOURCE:

http://www.rumiforum.org/hizmet-essay-contest-2014.html?Itemid=&utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=twitter

AL JAZEERA op-ed: Hizmet unmasks 'undemocratic' Erdogan

As a prominent preacher, Fethullah Gulen has to express his opinion on politics, argues the author.
Last updated



Sevgi Akarcesme

Sevgi Akarcesme is a columnist for Zaman, the Turkish daily which has the highest circulation in the country and a correspondent and blogger for Today’s Zaman, an English daily in Turkey.

Trying to understand what has been going on in Turkey over the last couple of months is impossible without taking into account the corruption scandal that broke out on December 17, 2013. Yet an article which appeared on Al Jazeera succeeded in doing just that. It made no reference to the biggest graft probe that the country has ever seen.

On the contrary, as if to distract attention from the corruption probe, this op-ed placed the blame squarely on Islamic scholar Fethullah Gulen, claiming that he aims to control the state through his followers within the bureaucracy.

The Hizmet (Service) movement is a religious and social community inspired by the peaceful and progressive teachings of Gulen and encompasses a wide network of people not only in Turkey but also in 160 countries around the world.

It is true that Gulen is no simple preacher. Indeed, he encourages pious Turks to receive the best education possible, to go beyond the limits that the bureaucratic-authoritarian state has set for them and claim positions that were traditionally reserved for the elite. For this, he became the target of the Kemalist military, which views Gulen's movement a threat to the oppressive Turkish secular state.

Doctored tapes?

When the military launched a psychological warfare campaign to topple the Islamist government in Turkey on February 28, 1997, Gulen naturally faced the wrath of the soldiers and became a target. Some media outlets, which had been used as a "convenient tool" by the military, at the time, broadcast doctored tapes of Gulen to create the impression that his followers had "infiltrated" the state. Indeed, this was an argument that the aggressively oppressive secular state employed against religious citizens at large.

Listening Post - Turkey's media pressure points

It is therefore an ironic twist of fate that pious Muslims would resort to the same tools previously employed by the repressive military regime to undermine Gulen and his movement.

The recent op-ed referred to the same videotapes that were used by the military during the February 28 coup era.

Although Gulen was charged with an attempt to change the nature of the regime during the height of military pressure in 1999, he was acquitted of all charges in a trial that lasted eight years.

It is no secret that Gulen encourages the sympathisers of the Hizmet movement to not shy away from holding positions within the state. Every Turkish citizen, at least on paper, is equally eligible for government jobs as long as they possess the necessary qualifications.


Who's infiltrating?

But who can accuse a Turkish citizen of "infiltrating" his or her own state? Does the state belong only to a certain group or interest? Arguing that the Hizmet movement has infiltrated the state is the same as admitting that it was under the control of someone else.

There are people from all walks of life, from all segments of society, and from all age groups who support Gulen. Unsurprisingly, there may also be police officers and judges and prosecutors who approve of Gulen's interpretation of Islam.

However, in order to claim that their aim is to seize the state, one needs to bring forth concrete evidence that these people are taking instructions from Gulen or the Hizmet movement instead of their superiors within the bureaucracy.

The PM has been claiming that a "parallel state" within the state aims to topple his government, in reference to the Hizmet movement. Despite the illegitimate reshuffling of thousands of police officers and hundreds of judges and prosecutors, Erdogan's government has not been able to track down a single piece of evidence of a "parallel state".

In light of all signs of corruption, it has become evident that the whole parallel state argument is an imagined enemy that Erdogan uses in his fight against the "windmills".

Criticising Gulen for expressing opinions on issues other than religion is another Kemalist argument. The founders of the Republic of Turkey did not want religious people to be involved in politics or social issues. As the spiritual leader of a global movement that has activities in areas ranging mainly from education to the media, and from business to aid organisations, it is only normal for Gulen to express opinions on non-religious issues.

In advanced democracies, pressure groups are welcomed and civil society is encouraged to serve as a control mechanism within the system.

Anywhere in the world, spiritual leaders and their views are taken seriously due to their impact on the masses. In Gulen's case, it has been proven many times that he uses his influence in a constructive and positive manner, always asking people to act peacefully and within the boundaries of the law.

As for the unfortunate Mavi Marmara incident, in which nine innocent Turkish people were murdered by Israeli soldiers in international waters, Gulen did not "blame" the activists, as the article argued. He said that he would advise his followers to cooperate with the authorities, if the purpose was to bring aid to the Palestinians. Gulen also placed an advertisment, expressing his condolences and describing the victims as "martyrs".

Women who suffer from discrimination for wearing the headscarf in Turkey know well how displaying religiosity is a reason for being purged from state positions. Not only are pious Muslims forced to concel their identity by the repressive regime, but so are the Kurds, Alevis, and non-Muslims.

Ironically, today, it is the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government, which had been oppressed in the past, that oppresses the followers of the Hizmet movement and openly discriminates against them.

What appears to be going on in Turkey now is a struggle between the Hizmet movement and Erdogan. However, when you scratch the surface, it is easy to detect the increasing authoritarian and arbitrary rule under Erdogan's government. All Gulen is doing is asking for a more democratic Turkey.

What changed is not the principles of the Hizmet movement, but the government's position, which succeeded to fool many with its democratic disguise until recently.

Sevgi Akarcesme is a columnist for Zaman, the Turkish daily which has the highest circulation in the country and a correspondent and blogger for Today's Zaman, an English daily in Turkey.


The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.


Source:
Al Jazeera

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/03/hizmet-unmasks-undemocratic-erdo-20143113955830452.html